Algorithms are not to be regarded as a technical structure but as a social phenomenon - they embed themselves, currently still very subtle, into our political and social system. Algorithms shape human behavior on various levels: they influence not only the aesthetic reception of the world but also the well-being and social interaction of their users. They act and intervene in a political and social context. As algorithms influence individual behavior in these social and political situations, their power should be the subject of critical discourse - or even lead to active disobedience and to the need for appropriate tools and methods which can be used to break the algorithmic power.

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The 2018 presidential election result in Brazil surprised and shocked many. Since then, numerous debates and a growing body of texts have attempted to understand the country’s so-called ‘conservative turn’. A gripping in-depth account of politics and society in Brazil today, this new volume brings together a myriad of different perspectives to help us better understand the political events that shook the country in recent years. Combining ethnographic insights with political science, history, sociology, and anthropology, the interdisciplinary analyses included offer a panoramic view on social and political change in Brazil, spanning temporal and spatial dimensions. Starting with the 2018 presidential election, the contributors discuss the country’s recent –or more distant– past in relation to the present. Pointing to the continuities and disruptions in the course of those years, the analyses offered are an invaluable guide to unpacking and understanding the limits of Brazilian democracy, including what has already come to pass, but also what is yet to come.

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democracy - Canadian Parliament - merit - Public Service Commission of Canada

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The Manifesto for the Just City comes in the wake of the realisation that socio-spatial justice is a crucial dimension for sustainability transitions. Growing inequality and the erosion of the public sphere undermine the social and political structures required to fight climate change, pandemics and other systemic shocks. At the same time, profound cynicism and scepticism have gripped our minds. This is paralysing us. Following the words of Professor Faranak Miraftab, we need to decolonise our minds, and try to imagine a different world and new kinds of relationships among ourselves and between us and the planet.This book aims to encourage students to formulate their own visions for the Just City and for a just transition. The second volume of 'A Manifesto for the Just City', published by TU Delft OPEN Publishing and funded by the Delft Design for Values Institute, gathers texts from scholars discussing aspects of the just city (Professors Faranak Miraftab, Mona Fawaz, Mariana Fix, Romola Sanyal, Roberto Rocco and Caroline Newton) and showcases 63 manifestos written by 256 students from 48 universities all over the world.

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This book addresses the need to re-imagine and re-conceptualise the Just City in light of recent systemic shocks: climate change, the pandemic, a generalised erosion of democratic standards and more. It contains texts by a number of guests and 43 manifestos written by students from 25 universities from all over the world. A “Manifesto for the Just City” comes in the wake of the realisation that socio-spatial justice is a crucial dimension for sustainability transitions. Growing inequality and the erosion of the public sphere undermine the social and political structures required to fight climate change, pandemics and other systemic shocks. With this book, we have sought to encourage students to formulate their own visions for the Just City and for a just transition. This book is result of an Urban Thinkers Campus organised between 9 and 30 November 2020. The Urban Thinkers Campus (UTC) model is an initiative of UN-Habitat’s World Urban Campaign, conceived in 2014 as an open space for critical exchange between stakeholders and partners. It aims to promote debate and action on sustainable and inclusive urbanization upholding the principles and guidelines contained in the New Urban Agenda, launched at Habitat-III in 2016 in Quito, Ecuador.

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This book addresses the need to re-imagine and re-conceptualise the Just City in light of recent systemic shocks: climate change, the pandemic, a generalised erosion of democratic standards and more. It contains texts by a number of guests and 43 manifestos written by students from 25 universities from all over the world. A “Manifesto for the Just City” comes in the wake of the realisation that socio-spatial justice is a crucial dimension for sustainability transitions. Growing inequality and the erosion of the public sphere undermine the social and political structures required to fight climate change, pandemics and other systemic shocks. With this book, we have sought to encourage students to formulate their own visions for the Just City and for a just transition. This book is result of an Urban Thinkers Campus organised between 9 and 30 November 2020. The Urban Thinkers Campus (UTC) model is an initiative of UN-Habitat’s World Urban Campaign, conceived in 2014 as an open space for critical exchange between stakeholders and partners. It aims to promote debate and action on sustainable and inclusive urbanization upholding the principles and guidelines contained in the New Urban Agenda, launched at Habitat-III in 2016 in Quito, Ecuador.

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"A Nuclear Refrain is a spatial fiction that critiques the policy of nuclear deterrence, the concept of Mutually Assured Destruction, and the UK’s decision to replace its Vanguard submarines, so-called Trident replacement. We challenge that decision via extending our geographical imaginations into the past, present, and future. Noting the more usual economic, moral, and strategic objections to Trident and its replacement, A Nuclear Refrain considers the issues from less familiar perspectives: the emotional and embodied, empire and the establishment, and the impact on democratic potentialities. Set against the authors’ ongoing participation in extensive public protests against the UK’s decision to replace Trident in 2016, A Nuclear Refrain disrupts familiar academic and policy forms of writing. It is “an uncomfortable hybrid between academia and fiction,” intent on discomfiting the reader to spur the radical reimagining of a world profoundly shaped by the threat of nuclear weapons. Inspired by author and social critic Charles Dickens, this book draws on the form of A Christmas Carol. Transported by “ghosts” of the nuclear past, present and future, a pro-Trident British policy maker, the Right Honourable Roger C. Bezeeneos, has his perceptions sorely challenged. But will Roger allow his feelings to influence his decision-making? Will he recognize the yearning for empire-lost that mobilizes the British establishment? And will he admit the limiting of political participation that a commitment to nuclear deterrence determines? It’s your call, Roger."

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Brexit is a tale of two unions, not one: the British and the European unions. Their origins are different, but both struggle to maintain unity in diversity and both have to face the challenge of populism and claims of democratic deficit. Mark Corner suggests that the »four nations« that make up the UK can only survive as part of a single nation-state, if the country looks more sympathetically at the very European structures from which it has chosen to detach itself. This study addresses both academic and lay audiences interested in the current situation of the UK, particularly the strains raised by devolution and Brexit.

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"Public-private partnerships have become an important tool for delivering essential public goods, but critics fear that they erode public accountability. Making partnerships more accountable requires a clear understanding of what accountability means for partnerships and which mechanisms can be used to strengthen it.Accountability in Public Policy Partnerships develops a new model of accountability based on principal-agent theory. This model provides a firm normative foundation for accountability demands. At the same time, it shows which accountability standards apply to which kinds of partnerships. Norm-setting partnerships, for example, require strong mechanisms for participation, whereas implementation partnerships must focus on performance evaluation, competitive bidding and beneficiary feedback processes. The accountability model and standards developed in this book provide a guide for partnership practitioners who are developing the governance structures of their partnerships; they serve as benchmarks for evaluating partnerships; and they provide new inputs for the ongoing accountability debates in the public, the corporate and the civil society sectors. "

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"Public-private partnerships have become an important tool for delivering essential public goods, but critics fear that they erode public accountability. Making partnerships more accountable requires a clear understanding of what accountability means for partnerships and which mechanisms can be used to strengthen it.Accountability in Public Policy Partnerships develops a new model of accountability based on principal-agent theory. This model provides a firm normative foundation for accountability demands. At the same time, it shows which accountability standards apply to which kinds of partnerships. Norm-setting partnerships, for example, require strong mechanisms for participation, whereas implementation partnerships must focus on performance evaluation, competitive bidding and beneficiary feedback processes. The accountability model and standards developed in this book provide a guide for partnership practitioners who are developing the governance structures of their partnerships; they serve as benchmarks for evaluating partnerships; and they provide new inputs for the ongoing accountability debates in the public, the corporate and the civil society sectors. "

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"Public-private partnerships have become an important tool for delivering essential public goods, but critics fear that they erode public accountability. Making partnerships more accountable requires a clear understanding of what accountability means for partnerships and which mechanisms can be used to strengthen it.Accountability in Public Policy Partnerships develops a new model of accountability based on principal-agent theory. This model provides a firm normative foundation for accountability demands. At the same time, it shows which accountability standards apply to which kinds of partnerships. Norm-setting partnerships, for example, require strong mechanisms for participation, whereas implementation partnerships must focus on performance evaluation, competitive bidding and beneficiary feedback processes. The accountability model and standards developed in this book provide a guide for partnership practitioners who are developing the governance structures of their partnerships; they serve as benchmarks for evaluating partnerships; and they provide new inputs for the ongoing accountability debates in the public, the corporate and the civil society sectors. "

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El Instituto Internacional de Historia del Derecho Indiano, creado en el año 1966, celebra periódicamente sus congresos en que participan los miembros y por invitación los estudiosos no miembros especializados en el Derecho Indiano, donde presentan sus investigaciones histórico-jurídicas. Desde su fundación, se han celebrado dieciocho congresos en diferentes países de Iberoamérica. El XIX Congreso del Instituto Internacional de Historia del Derecho Indiano se celebró en la ciudad de Berlín (Alemania) del lunes 29 de agosto al viernes 2 de septiembre de 2016. En las Actas del Congreso, se publican las versiones escritas de más de setenta ponencias presentadas en el Congreso. Las ocho mesas temáticas del evento fueron: Historia de la historiografía del Derecho Indiano; El Derecho Indiano en la historia europea y global; Circulación de ideas y prácticas jurídicas: casos y métodos de análisis (obras jurisprudenciales); Derecho y otros saberes normativos (derecho real y canónico, teología moral); Orden jurídico y diversidad cultural (derechos indígenas, pluralismo jurídico y judicial); Derecho Indiano Provincial y Local (reinos, provincias, repúblicas); Sociedad, justicia y gobierno (instituciones y prácticas); El Derecho Indiano en el siglo XIX: Derecho Civil y Público y Constitucionalismo moderno.

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This book argues that, under certain societal and institutional conditions, party-, interest group- and bureaucracy-based elites can interact positively to extend political timeframes beyond short electoral terms and foster reasoned long-term planning for democratic decision-making. Focusing on Finland within a broader analytic framework and comparative context, it unearths institutions and practices that give the elites capacity to curtail democratic short-sightedness and offer long-term solutions for contemporary threats such as economic globalization, climate change and geopolitical competition. The study also reveals factors that condition the operative capacity of futureregarding institutions. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of political science, public policy and administration, elites and management and futures studies. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non- Commercial (CC-BY-NC) 4.0 license.

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When the protests are over, a guide to creating long-lasting social change beyond the barricades From the Women’s March in D.C. to #BlackLivesMatter rallies across the country, there has been a rising wave of protests and social activism. These events have been an important part of the battle to combat racism, authoritarianism, and xenophobia in Trump’s America. However, the struggle for social justice continues long after the posters and megaphones have been packed away. After the protests are heard, how can we continue to work toward lasting change? This book is an invaluable resource for anyone invested in the fight for social justice. Welch highlights examples of social justice work accomplished at the institutional level. From the worlds of social enterprise, impact investing, and sustainable business, After the Protests Are Heard describes the work being done to promote responsible business practices and healthy, cooperative communities. The book also illuminates how colleges and universities educate students to strive toward social justice on campuses across the country, such as the Engaged Scholarship movement, which fosters interactions between faculty and students and local and global communities. In each of these instances, activists work from within institutions to transform practices and structures to foster justice and equality. After the Protests Are Heard confronts the difficult reality that social change is often followed by spikes in violence and authoritarianism. It offers vital insights into how our nation might fully acknowledge the brutal costs of racism and the historical drivers of racial injustice, and how people of all races can contain such violence in the present and prevent its resurgence in the future. For many members of the social justice community, the real work begins when the protests end. After the Protests Are Heard is a must-read for everyone interested in social justice and activism—from the barricades and campuses to the breakrooms, offices, and cubicles.

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In 2013 almost half of Africa’s top aid recipients were ruled by authoritarian regimes. While the West may claim to promote democracy and human rights, in practice major bilateral and international donors, such as USAID, DFID,the World Bank and the European Commission, have seen their aid policies become ever more entangled with the survival of their authoritarian protégés. Local citizens thus find themselves at the receiving end of a compromisebetween aid agencies and government elites, in which development policies are shaped in the interests of maintaining the status quo. Aid and Authoritarianism in Africa sheds light on the political intricacies and moral dilemmas raised by the relationship between foreign aid and autocratic rule in Africa. Through contributions by leading experts exploring the revival of authoritarian development politics in Ethiopia, Uganda, Rwanda, Cameroon, Mozambique and Angola, the book exposes shifting donor interests and rhetoric as well as the impact of foreign aid on military assistance, rural development, electoral processes and domestic politics. In the process, it raises an urgent and too often neglected question: to what extent are foreign aid programmes actually perpetuating authoritarian rule?

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Western political philosophers since Plato have used the family as a model for harmonious political and social relations. Yet, far from being an uncontentious domain for shared interests and common values, the family is often the scene of intense interpersonal conflict and disagreement. In All in the Family, the political theorist Kennan Ferguson reconsiders the family, in its varied forms, as an exemplar of democratic politics and suggests how real rather than idealized family dynamics can help us to better understand and navigate political conflict. By closely observing the attachments that arise in families despite profound disagreements and incommensurabilities, Ferguson argues, we can imagine a political engagement that accommodates radical differences without sacrificing community.

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Western political philosophers since Plato have used the family as a model for harmonious political and social relations. Yet, far from being an uncontentious domain for shared interests and common values, the family is often the scene of intense interpersonal conflict and disagreement. In All in the Family, the political theorist Kennan Ferguson reconsiders the family, in its varied forms, as an exemplar of democratic politics and suggests how real rather than idealized family dynamics can help us to better understand and navigate political conflict. By closely observing the attachments that arise in families despite profound disagreements and incommensurabilities, Ferguson argues, we can imagine a political engagement that accommodates radical differences without sacrificing community.

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What does 'anticapitalism' really mean for the politics and culture of the twenty-first century?Anticapitalism is an idea which, despite going global, remains rooted in the local, persisting as a loose collection of grassroots movements and actions. Anticapitalism needs to develop a coherent and cohering philosophy, something which cultural theory and the intellectual legacy of the New Left can help to provide, notably through the work of key radical thinkers, such as Ernesto Laclau, Stuart Hall, Antonio Negri, Gilles Deleuze and Judith Butler.Anticapitalism and Culture argues that there is a strong relationship between the radical tradition of cultural studies and the new political movements which try to resist corporate globalization. Indeed, the two need each other: whilst theory can shape and direct the huge diversity of anticapitalist activism, the energy and sheer political engagement of the anticapitalist movement can breathe new life into cultural studies.Anticapitalism is an idea which, despite going global, remains rooted in the local, persisting as a loose collection ofgrassroots movements and actions. This work argues that there is a strong relationship between the radical tradition of cultural studies and the new political movements which try to resist corporate globalization.Introduction1. A political history of cultural studies, part one: The Post-War Years2. A political history of cultural studies, part two: The Politics of Defeat3. Another World is Possible: The Anti-Capitalist Movement 4. (Anti)Capitalism and Culture 5. Ideas in Action: Rhizomatics, Radical Democracy, and the Power of the Multitude6. Mapping the Territory: Prospects for Resistance in the Neoliberal Conjuncture7. Beyond the Activist Imaginary: Nomadic Strategies for the New PartisansConclusion - Liberating the CollectiveBibliographyIndex

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Hinter dem aktuellen Antifeminismus steht eine kleine, aber intensiv vernetzte Gruppe von Akteur*innen, die strategisch um Deutungshoheit kämpft. Ihr Einfluss jenseits des rechten und christlich-fundamentalistischen Spektrums ist jedoch gering - und Gegenmobilisierungen durchaus erfolgreich. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes legen erstmals vergleichende Analysen zum Antifeminismus in Deutschland vor. Untersucht werden dabei Mediendiskurse, Antifeminismus in der Wissenschaft, Mobilisierungen gegen die Reform sexueller Bildung an Schulen, rechte Kritiken an der »Ehe für alle«, Vorstellungen von Mutterschaft sowie Effekte der Projektion von Sexismus auf zugewanderte Muslime in Integrationskursen für Geflüchtete.

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Hinter dem aktuellen Antifeminismus steht eine kleine, aber intensiv vernetzte Gruppe von Akteur*innen, die strategisch um Deutungshoheit kämpft. Ihr Einfluss jenseits des rechten und christlich-fundamentalistischen Spektrums ist jedoch gering - und Gegenmobilisierungen durchaus erfolgreich. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes legen erstmals vergleichende Analysen zum Antifeminismus in Deutschland vor. Untersucht werden dabei Mediendiskurse, Antifeminismus in der Wissenschaft, Mobilisierungen gegen die Reform sexueller Bildung an Schulen, rechte Kritiken an der »Ehe für alle«, Vorstellungen von Mutterschaft sowie Effekte der Projektion von Sexismus auf zugewanderte Muslime in Integrationskursen für Geflüchtete.

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This book focuses on social and political developments in Armenia during a turbulent post-2018 period. Between 2018 and 2020, the country experienced three significant waves of upheaval: a revolution, a pandemic, and a war. These events had far-reaching implications for Armenia's social, cultural, security, and political foundations. The book provides both factual insights and theoretical underpinnings that help readers understand the country's transformation and the resulting challenges. In its immediate neighbourhood, Armenia is one of the few countries with a clear commitment to democratic governance. However, the country, with its democratic potential in Europe’s eastern neighbourhood, is currently undergoing complex dynamics in security and social spheres. The main goal of this volume is to shed light on Armenia's complicated reality, bring it into the research spotlight, and foster discussions about the country's core challenges.

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This insightful book explores the citizen-government relation, as mediated through artificial intelligence (AI). Through a critical lens, Jérôme Duberry examines the role of AI in the relation and its implications for the quality of liberal democracy and the strength of civic capacity. In his analysis of AI, Duberry covers three key objectives: illustrating where and how AI is used in the context of citizen-government relations; highlighting the specific risks of using AI for citizen-government relations; and calling for a dedicated framework for assessing AI in these contexts. The author assesses the promises and pitfalls of AI at various levels of the citizen-government relation, including citizen participation, civic technology and political communication. Employing empirical findings from in-depth case studies and interviews with 40 experts in the field, the book stresses the burgeoning need for an innovative, human-centric management of AI in the citizen-government relation based on risk assessment that prioritises equality, freedom, human rights and popular sovereignty. Intervening at a key watershed in the history of digital politics, this timely book is key reading for researchers and scholars of political science and public policy, particularly those studying the digital landscape of contemporary policy and politics. It also offers significant empirical insights into the benefits and risks of AI for policymakers and civil servants working with new technologies.

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Do Europeans really feel European? Do they trust each other and are they solidary? What do they think of immigration and refugee influx? Do they want a greener and more sustainable Europe, and at what cost? Are democracy and human rights ingrained in Europe or are they under pressure? A new edition (2022) of the ‘Atlas of European Values’ answers these and other questions related to pressing topics such as migration, democracy, sustainability, welfare, identity, and solidarity in an attractive, visual way. In the Atlas, the reader will find maps, charts and graphs based on high-quality data of the long-term comparative survey research project, the European Values Study.

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In welcher Welt wollen wir leben? Miteinander im Gegeneinander, Nebeneinander oder doch in einem Füreinander? Ausgehend von dieser Frage wendet sich Paul*A Helfritzsch dem bestehenden Alltag zu, mit der Absicht, diesen zu verändern. Veränderung wird dabei nicht nur als leeres Prinzip verstanden, sondern als Vorbereitung. Worauf? Auf die Veränderung. So entsteht ein Plädoyer für eine Demokratie ohne Führer*innen, ein Miteinander ohne Mord, ein Plädoyer für Grazie und wehrhafte, nicht ausgehöhlte Menschenwürde. Darin sollen Ideen aus der Nacht in den Tag treten, die gemeinsam einen neuen Alltag, eine Normalität der Pluralität formen können. Gerahmt wird dies durch performative Versuche, der Pluralität durch ihre Wiederholung ein mögliches Gesicht zu geben.

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In recent times Australia has developed into one of the world’s leading liberal democracies. Its governments have delivered continuous economic growth for more than three decades, even against the turmoil of a global pandemic. And the country’s highly competitive elections and strong political institutions operate within a stable and balanced federal system.

In Australia’s Evolving Democracy a team of leading academic authors use an audit approach to critically explore national government institutions, as well as state- and territory-level politics, and to examine how each has contributed to or held back Australian political life as it has changed and diversified. For instance, the top two parties’ monopoly of governance has only begun to adjust to a modern transition to multi-party politics, although balanced voting systems for two-house legislatures have allowed for some adaptation. To date, the country has successfully avoided both rancorous populist politics (as in the USA) and serious governance decline (as in the UK).

Each of the book’s 28 chapters tackles one institution or issue, outlining recent developments along with an analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats, to fully evaluate the state of Australian democracy in the 21st century. In doing so, the authors draw key lessons for other democracies, showing in detail how robust major and micro-institutions can guard against democratic ‘backsliding’ and policy failures.

This comprehensive audit also highlights scope for potential democratic improvements. Australia continues to confront the challenges of partisan political barriers to addressing climate change and improving the situation of First Nations peoples, redressing modern social inequalities, and responding to popular mistrust of government and politicians.

By taking an in-depth, nuanced approach to multiple democratic issues across the whole of the country’s distinctive political system, this book provides analysis that is accessible for students new to Australian politics, along with many insights for political scientists studying comparative democratic politics and Australian institutions.

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Read online or download for free

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In recent times Australia has developed into one of the world’s leading liberal democracies. Its governments have delivered continuous economic growth for more than three decades, even against the turmoil of a global pandemic. And the country’s highly competitive elections and strong political institutions operate within a stable and balanced federal system.

In Australia’s Evolving Democracy a team of leading academic authors use an audit approach to critically explore national government institutions, as well as state- and territory-level politics, and to examine how each has contributed to or held back Australian political life as it has changed and diversified. For instance, the top two parties’ monopoly of governance has only begun to adjust to a modern transition to multi-party politics, although balanced voting systems for two-house legislatures have allowed for some adaptation. To date, the country has successfully avoided both rancorous populist politics (as in the USA) and serious governance decline (as in the UK).

Each of the book’s 28 chapters tackles one institution or issue, outlining recent developments along with an analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats, to fully evaluate the state of Australian democracy in the 21st century. In doing so, the authors draw key lessons for other democracies, showing in detail how robust major and micro-institutions can guard against democratic ‘backsliding’ and policy failures.

This comprehensive audit also highlights scope for potential democratic improvements. Australia continues to confront the challenges of partisan political barriers to addressing climate change and improving the situation of First Nations peoples, redressing modern social inequalities, and responding to popular mistrust of government and politicians.

By taking an in-depth, nuanced approach to multiple democratic issues across the whole of the country’s distinctive political system, this book provides analysis that is accessible for students new to Australian politics, along with many insights for political scientists studying comparative democratic politics and Australian institutions.

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In recent times Australia has developed into one of the world’s leading liberal democracies. Its governments have delivered continuous economic growth for more than three decades, even against the turmoil of a global pandemic. And the country’s highly competitive elections and strong political institutions operate within a stable and balanced federal system. In Australia’s Evolving Democracy a team of leading academic authors use an audit approach to critically explore national government institutions, as well as state- and territory-level politics, and to examine how each has contributed to or held back Australian political life as it has changed and diversified. For instance, the top two parties’ monopoly of governance has only begun to adjust to a modern transition to multi-party politics, although balanced voting systems for two-house legislatures have allowed for some adaptation. To date, the country has successfully avoided both rancorous populist politics (as in the USA) and serious governance decline (as in the UK). Each of the book’s 28 chapters tackles one institution or issue, outlining recent developments along with an analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats, to fully evaluate the state of Australian democracy in the 21st century. In doing so, the authors draw key lessons for other democracies, showing in detail how robust major and micro-institutions can guard against democratic ‘backsliding’ and policy failures. This comprehensive audit also highlights scope for potential democratic improvements. Australia continues to confront the challenges of partisan political barriers to addressing climate change and improving the situation of First Nations peoples, redressing modern social inequalities, and responding to popular mistrust of government and politicians. By taking an in-depth, nuanced approach to multiple democratic issues across the whole of the country’s distinctive political system, this book provides analysis that is accessible for students new to Australian politics, along with many insights for political scientists studying comparative democratic politics and Australian institutions.

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Authoritarian Populism and Bovine Political Economy in Modi’s India analyses how the twin forces of Hindu nationalism and neoliberalism unfold in India’s bovine economy, revealing their often-devastating material and economic impact on the country’s poor. This book is a rare, in-depth study of India’s bovine economy under Narendra Modi’s authoritarian populism. This is an economy that throws up a central paradox: On the one hand, an entrenched and aggressive Hindu nationalist politics is engaged in violently protecting the cow, disciplining those who do not sufficiently respect and revere it; on the other hand, India houses and continuously promotes one of the world’s largest corporate-controlled beef export economies that depends on the slaughter of millions of bovines every year. The book offers an original analysis of this scenario to show how Modi’s authoritarian populist regime has worked to reconcile the two by simultaneously promoting a virulent Hindu nationalism that seeks to turn India into a Hindu state, while also pushing neoliberal economic policies favouring corporate capital and elite class interests within and beyond the bovine economy. The book brings out the adverse impacts of these political-economic processes on the lives and livelihoods of millions of poor Indians in countryside and city. In addition, it identifies emerging weaknesses in Modi’s authoritarian populism, highlighting the potential for progressive counter-mobilisation. It will be of interest to scholars in the fields of development studies, South Asia studies, critical agrarian studies, as well as scholars with a general interest in political economy, contemporary authoritarian populism, and social movements.

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The book gives an intriguing insight into how young people in Estonia, twenty years after the establishment of democracy, perceive their own role as citizens. It does so in a theoretical framework that stresses the embeddedness of the civic experiences in a media-dominated environment, thus closely linking civic and media experiences. Based on the analysis of both qualitative interview data and a relatively new method of using the internet as a complementary tool for engaging with open-ended diaries, the study explores the extent to which young citizens experience the media as being interwoven with their everyday lives and, in fact, constitutive of their social reality as citizens. With its particular focus on young Estonians, i.e. on a generation that has been brought up in a context of rapid political, economic and social change and that is well-known for its fascination with new communication technologies, the book is a valuable contribution to the growing international research on media and civic experiences.

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The re-election of Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko for a sixth term in August 2020 triggered a deep political crisis in the country and strong post-electoral mobilisation for several months. The stabilisation of the facade restored by violent repression, the new constitutional reform of 2022 and the geopolitical crisis caused by the war in Ukraine all contributed to freezing the situation without the crisis being resolved in substance. How should the events of 2020 be interpreted? What long-term impact will these events have on the development of the regime and Belarusian society? This book brings together a series of contributions that reflect on society, power, law and international relations as explanatory factors of this political crisis and its consequences. While the Belarusian national and political awakening has indeed taken place, the quest for democracy is still emerging, and the new division of Europe is likely to make this quest much more difficult, though not impossible.

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Authoritarianism operates on a visceral level rather than relying on arguments. How can we counter authoritarian affects? This publication brings together more than 50 first-hand accounts of anti-authoritarian movements, activists, artists, and scholars from around the world, focusing on the sensuous and emotional dimension of their strategies. From the collective art and aesthetics of feminist movements in India, Iran, Mexico, and Poland, to sewing collectives, subversive internet art in Hong Kong, and even anti-authoritarian board games, the contributions open new perspectives on moments of resistance, subversion, and creation. Indeed, the handbook itself is a work of anti-authoritarian art. The editors behind the »International Research Group on Authoritarianism and Counter-Strategies« and »kollektiv orangotango« are: Aurel Eschmann, Börries Nehe, Nico Baumgarten, Paul Schweizer, Severin Halder, Ailynn Torres Santana, Inés Duràn Matute, and Julieta Mira.

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In many countries, the political backlash against neoliberalism has mainly been a retreat from democracy, with a decline in independence of the judiciary and the monetary authorities, increased control of the media, and manipulation of elections for purposes of authoritarian control. The economic dynamics and the impact of neoliberalism, i.e. deregulation and liberalized markets, is just one cause of this authoritarian shift. The contributors to this volume examine the impact of neoliberal economic policies in relation to cultural and political factors and how these have promoted the recent authoritarian turn, as well as probing the economic policies and performance of the illiberal regimes.

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Politische Diskurse vollziehen sich zunehmend visuell. Auch haben Phänomene wie politisch motivierte Hacks, »Filter-Blasen« oder twitternde Politiker*innen längst Einzug in öffentliche Debatten gehalten. Die Rolle und Veränderung »politischer« Bilder in den sozialen Medien wirft zahlreiche Fragen auf, etwa: Wie äußern sich die Wahrnehmungsweisen und die Bildpraktiken von User*innen? Wie werden rechtspopulistische Ideologien über Bilder verbreitet? Die Beiträger*innen des transdisziplinären Bandes widmen sich diesen Fragen und beleuchten das wechselseitige Verhältnis von Bildern, sozialen Medien und dem Politischen aus verschiedenen Perspektiven und unter Rückgriff auf empirisches Material.

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Sergei Prozorov contends that the post-truth ideology leads to the degradation of the public sphere that is essential to democratic governance. He argues instead for a positive role of truth-telling in the democratisation of biopolitical governance.

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Thessaly was a region of great importance in the ancient Greek world, possessing both agricultural abundance and a strategic position between north and south. It presents historians with the challenge of seeing beyond traditional stereotypes (wealth and witches, horses and hospitality) that have coloured perceptions of its people from antiquity to the present day. It also presents a complex and illuminating interaction between polis and ethnos identity. In daily life, most Thessalians primarily operated within, and identified with, their specific polis; at the same time, the regional dimension – being Thessalian – was rarely out of sight for long. It manifested itself in stories told, in deities worshipped, in modes of political co-operation, in language, rituals, sites and objects. Chapter by chapter, this book follows the emergence, development and adaptation of Thessalian regional identity from the Archaic period to the early second century BC. In so doing, rather than rejecting ancient stereotypes as a mere inconvenience for the historian, it considers the constant dialogue between Thessalian self-presentation and depictions of the Thessalian character by other Greeks. It also confronts some of the prejudices and assumptions still influencing modern approaches to studying the region. All in all, the reader is invited to see Thessaly not as a region of marginal significance in Greek history, but as occupying a central role in many aspects of ancient cultural and political discourse.

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So wie das Ende des Brexit-Prozesses weiterhin nicht absehbar bleibt, sind die Folgen des Austritts des UK aus der EU – mit oder ohne Abkommen – kaum abzumessen. Dieser Band versucht eine Zwischenbilanz, von Grundfragen zur Souveränität, um deren Wiedergewinnung es den Brexitern zu gehen scheint, über Modelle differenzierter Integration und den Grundrechtsschutz bis hin zur Demokratie, die in mancherlei Weise auf die Probe gestellt wird. Wie ist der Binnenmarkt betroffen, wie die vom EuGH vielleicht zu weitgehend etablierten sozialen Rechte, wie die Kontrolle der Einwanderung in das UK? – Dem ist Teil II des Sammelbandes gewidmet. Der letzte Teil betrifft mit der Währungs- und Finanzpolitik sowie der Gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik Bereiche, die nur begrenzt der supranationalen Disziplin unterliegen und wo das UK gleichwohl eine wichtige Rolle spielt und auch künftig spielen könnte. Vieles stellt sich heute anders dar, als man vor dem Referendum von 2016 erwartet hätte.

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Insights and recommendations for collaborative governance. Democratic societies are being challenged to look for new ways of doing politics that involve different stakeholders, particularly citizens. This book looks at public authorities' attempts to put society at the core of public policies in the form of collaborative governance. It provides a full account of a major case from the provincial council of Gipuzkoa (Basque Country, Spain): 150 projects, more than 900 organisations, and 50.000 participants and beneficiaries. ‘Pracademic’ lessons learned derive from the interaction among 50 practitioners engaged in the day-to-day practice of the case and scholars from different countries. Topics included relate to major challenges that collaborative governance reforms are facing across the world: structures, institutionalisation, relationships, leadership, accountability, innovation, experimentation, communication, intangible resources, trust, and assessment of outcomes (particularly in terms of Sustainable Development Goals or SDGs). Ultimately, issues of democracy arise from a case covering a comprehensive list of policies: health, employment, elderly care, energy, cybersecurity, electromobility, artificial intelligence, immigration, education, social equity, and culture. This book is intended for students, professionals and scholars interested in fostering the study and practice of democracy.

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Building the American Republic combines centuries of perspectives and voices into a fluid narrative of the United States. Throughout their respective volumes, Harry L. Watson and Jane Dailey take care to integrate varied scholarly perspectives and work to engage a diverse readership by addressing what we all share: membership in a democratic republic, with joint claims on its self-governing tradition. It will be one of the first peer-reviewed American history textbooks to be offered completely free in digital form. Visit buildingtheamericanrepublic.org for more information. Volume 1 starts at sea and ends on the battlefield. Beginning with the earliest Americans and the arrival of strangers on the eastern shore, it then moves through colonial society to the fight for independence and the construction of a federalist republic. From there, it explains the renegotiations and refinements that took place as a new nation found its footing, and it traces the actions that eventually rippled into the Civil War. This volume goes beyond famous names and battles to incorporate politics, economics, science, arts, and culture. And it shows that issues that resonate today—immigration, race, labor, gender roles, and the power of technology—have been part of the American fabric since the very beginning.

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Building the American Republic combines centuries of perspectives and voices into a fluid narrative of the United States. Throughout their respective volumes, Harry L. Watson and Jane Dailey take care to integrate varied scholarly perspectives and work to engage a diverse readership by addressing what we all share: membership in a democratic republic, with joint claims on its self-governing tradition. It will be one of the first peer-reviewed American history textbooks to be offered completely free in digital form. Visit buildingtheamericanrepublic.org for more information. The American nation came apart in a violent civil war less than a century after ratification of the Constitution. When it was reborn five years later, both the republic and its Constitution were transformed. Volume 2 opens as America struggles to regain its footing, reeling from a presidential assassination and facing massive economic growth, rapid demographic change, and combustive politics. The next century and a half saw the United States enter and then dominate the world stage, even as the country struggled to live up to its own principles of liberty, justice, and equality. Volume 2 of Building the American Republic takes the reader from the Gilded Age to the present, as the nation becomes an imperial power, rethinks the Constitution, witnesses the rise of powerful new technologies, and navigates an always-shifting cultural landscape shaped by an increasingly diverse population. Ending with the 2016 election, this volume provides a needed reminder that the future of the American republic depends on a citizenry that understands—and can learn from—its history.

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Cornelius Castoriadis, einflussreicher griechisch-französischer Philosoph des 20. Jahrhunderts, ist Erfinder nicht nur des Begriffs des gesellschaftlichen Imaginären, sondern auch der »Magmalogik«, einer bahnbrechenden Ontologie der Veränderung. Alice Pechriggl zeigt, dass sein lebenslanger Einsatz für Autonomie, radikale Demokratie und die Überwindung des Kapitalismus Gründe sind, ihn und sein Werk nicht weiter in der spaltenden Alternative »Revolutionär oder Denker« zu diskutieren. Sein Wirken kann vielmehr mithilfe des verschränkenden Chiasmas »Denker der Revolution - Revolutionär des Denkens« ausgelotet werden.

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