Adam Craig Schwartz

The Oracle Bone Inscriptions from Huayuanzhuang East

Library of Sinology

Editors

Zhi Chen, Dirk Meyer

Editorial Board
Wolfgang Behr, Marc Kalinowski, Hans van Ess,
Bernhard Fuehrer, Anke Hein, Clara Wing-chung Ho,
Maria Khayutina, Michael Lackner, Yuri Pines,
Alain Thote, Nicholas Morrow Williams

Volume 3

The publication of the series has been supported by the HKBU Jao Tsung-I Academy of Sinology — Amway Development Fund.

ISBN 978-1-5015-1448-7

e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-5015-0529-4

e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-0533-1

ISSN 2625-0616

This work is licensed under the Creatice Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0

License. For details go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2019916385

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;

detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

© 2019 Schwartz/JAS, published by Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin

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Contents

List of Figures

List of Tables

Introduction to the Huayuanzhuang East Oracle Bone Inscriptions

Part I:The Basics

Part II:People

Translation

Conventions and Symbols

The Oracle Bone Inscriptions

Appendix I: Raw Data

Appendix II: Parallel content, related content, sets, and synchronies

Appendix III: The "Big Synchrony"

Bibliography

Index

List of Figures

Fig. 1: Site map of H3

Fig. 2: Pit H3

Fig. 3: Examples of hollow configurations

Fig. 4: HYZ 79 (a) and HYZ 483 (b); HYZ 497 (c)

Fig. 5a-b: Repair perforations: (l) stitching up a fractured lower body (HYZ 205); (r) reattaching a fractured bridge and obliterating a graph (top left; outlined) (HYZ 215)

Fig. 6: Binding punches on HYZ 34

Fig. 7: Wu Ding period “display inscription” of divination about Rong’s ear (illness); Heji 3187 [Bin I type]

Fig. 8: Divinations about the weather in Rong (HYZ 103)

Fig. 9: HYZ 275

Fig. 10: HYZ 490

Fig. 11: Heji 20975

Fig. 12: Heji 3096

List of Tables

Table 1: Subtypes of oracle bone divinations produced for people other than the kings|

Table 2: Synchronization of Huayuanzhuang East-Li diviner group I divinations on war with the Shao territory

Table 3: Comparison of ancestor designations in Wu Ding’s and Zi-group divinations

Table 4: The “Rong” synchrony

Table 5: People in the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions (selection)

Table 6: Sixty-day ganzhi cycle

Introduction to the Huayuanzhuang East Oracle Bone Inscriptions

Part I:The Basics

1.1The nature and importance of the inscriptions

The Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions, first discovered in 1991 and completely published in six folio volumes in 2003, are a synchronically compact and unified late Shang (ca. 1250-1045 BC) corpus of several thousand individual divination accounts inscribed on hundreds of still intact turtle shells and cattle scapulae. Produced under the patronage of a prince of the royal family during the reign of the 27th Shang king, Wu Ding, these “princely communications” are undeniably one of the more important epigraphic finds in the history of Chinese archaeology. The collection as a scientifically excavated type has now become a model for corpus-based and statistically driven approaches to oracle bone study, particularly as it concerns the complex process of decision-making and how it was documented. Due to the limited discovery of oracle bones produced for people other than the kings, our understanding of Shang civilization has remained partial and incomplete. What the field of early China and ancient world studies has needed for quite some time is more intact oracle bone discoveries that provide detailed information about a continuous period of time, engage with multiple perspectives from a broader dimension of society, and attest to the operational methods and technical expertise of the diviners and scribes who worked collectively to produce these material documents.

Since 1899 more than 73,000 pieces of inscribed divination shell and bone have been found inside the moated enclosure of the Anyang-core at the former capital of the late Shang state.[1] Nearly all of these were divinations produced on behalf of or by Shang kings. This type of oracle record (in Chinese the dataset is called Wang buci 王卜辭) has been aptly characterized as the “descriptions of experiences and priorities of the Shang kings...how they imagined and created their world both human and natural.”[2] There is however a much smaller and relatively understudied type of divination record that represents less than five percent of extant Shang oracle bone inscriptions. These were produced on behalf of or personally by members of the royal family and elite persons, that is, for people other than the Shang kings (in Chinese the dataset is called fei Wang buci 非王卜辭). [3] The largest subtype amongst divinations of this kind were those made by and for the royal family, particularly for ladies and princes, and this is the group to which the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions belong. Scholars in the early 1930’s first recognized that there were divinations made for people other than kings,[4] and to date nine subtypes, almost all of which seemingly date to Wu Ding’s reign or slightly thereafter, have been identified (Table 1).[5] Each subtype has distinctive characteristics that when separated into independent datasets reveals differences with divination made for and by the kings. These two coexisting but independent types of oracle bone inscriptions—divination for the kings and divination for people other than the kings—were often complementary, but at times, could also be contradictory.

Divination made for royal family members presents an entirely fresh perspective from the one more commonly encountered in the kingly purview. Divination about topics such as royal institutions, ritual activities, kinship and social interaction, health and well-being, dreams, communication between the living with the living and the living with the dead, economics, work and service, personal emotions and feelings, and many other aspects of daily life reveal preoccupations and motivations that divination made for or by the Shang kings either never addressed or only mildly hinted at.

Table 1: Subtypes of oracle bone divinations produced for people other than the kings.

⁎Based on Jiang Yubin 2006. Divinations conventionally called by the heading “Ladies” (婦女卜辭) were made on behalf of a prince of the royal lineage (Zi 子) about ladies in his house. The word 午 in the heading “Wu 午 group” (午組卜辭) is not the name of a person but rather an abbreviated spelling of the word yu 禦 “exorcise”.

The Huayuanzhuang East [HYZ] oracle bone inscriptions are a remarkably coherent and unified archive of 2452 individual divination accounts recorded on 529 pieces of shell and bone.[7] The majority of these pieces are intact (345) or mostly intact turtle shells and cattle scapulae. Only several dislocated fragments cannot be rejoined to others. This archive comprises the largest and most complete corpus of royal family divination records encountered to date. Its number of inscribed pieces increases the total number of inscribed pieces made for people other than the kings by nearly thirty percent. The archive provides new first-hand information about Shang history and civilization during the reign of king Wu Ding. It presents a hitherto unknown group of professional diviners and scribes and attests to their expertise and collaborative practice over a sustained period of time, and offers a meticulous portrayal of the intimate relationship between a father (the king) and a mother (the queen) with their adult son (the main character), from the subjective viewpoint and advantage of the son.

Stated here in brief, this new corpus of oracle bones is particularly important for its preservation and intactness, the coherent and unified nature of the inscriptions and the fact that many of the records can be synchronized into integral divination sets and timelines that span periods of weeks and months. These inscriptions record communications that testify to the motivations and preoccupations of an important junior member of the Shang royal family. When we meet the protagonist in these material documents, he was working tirelessly for the benefit and blessings of his own household, while at the same time seeking the prolonged favor and happiness of his father the king, his mother the queen, and selected near ancestors who resided in his personal memory.

1.2The discovery and its contents

In 1991, archaeologists working in advance of the construction of a road leading to the Museum and Park of the Yin Ruins (Yin 殷is another name for the Shang dynasty) in Anyang, Henan province uncovered a pit of divination bones (H3) in the eastern crop fields of Huayuanzhuang village. This site is in the southeast corner and within the confines of the moated enclosure of Xiaotun, which is the core of a Shang dynasty palace and temple cluster (Figure 1).

H3 was a 1 x 2 meter rectangular pit discovered 1.2 meters below the surface. It was 2.15-2.5 meters deep and had foot-holes dug into both eastern and western walls for entry and exit (Figure 2). The lower one-third of the pit (0.8m) contained 1583 turtle shells and cattle bones and was covered with three layers of fill. Shortly after the discovery, and in order to meet the demands of the road construction project, the entire pit was boxed and taken to the local workstation for preservation and analysis. [8]

Fig. 1: Site map of H3
Key: (1) Pit H3; (2) Huayuanzhuang village; (3) Xiaotun; (4) Tomb of Lady Hao; (5) Moat; (6) Temple-Palace district; (7) Anyang workstation; (8) Huan River

Fig. 2: Pit H3

The shells and bones in the pit had been carefully deposited and were neatly arranged in layers. The top of the oracle bone heap, 1.7m from the mouth of the pit, was higher on four sides and lower in the middle and mostly consisted of small pieces, while the larger and more complete pieces were packed tightly in layers below (1.9m to the bottom). Most of the bones were laid flat and stacked one on top of the other. The inscribed ones seem to have been consciously placed with their verso and non-inscribed sides facing upward in order to protect the writing on their recto sides. Shells were also arranged vertically and placed upright on one side in order to wall-in the others. The shells used to create this boundary were non-inscribed.

A total of 689 inscribed pieces were collected from the pit. The large majority were turtle plastrons (659); turtle carapaces (25) and a few cattle scapulae (5) comprised the remainder. After rejoins, the 2003 official publication included color photographs, enlarged sectional photographs, and rubbings and facsimiles of 561 inscribed surfaces. After the extraction of reduplications,[9] further rejoins,[10] and the subtraction of inscriptions on verso sides (30), the number of inscribed bones totals 529: 511 turtle plastrons, 13 turtle carapaces, and 5 cattle scapulae.

In addition to the bones found inside Pit H3, eight inscribed pieces (=11 fragments with 3 rejoins) of what is now recognized as “Huayuanzhuang East type” writing have been discovered outside of it and in pits mixed with king Wu Ding’s divination records. Adding these pieces into the count and the total number of inscribed oracle bones of the “Huayuanzhuang East type” is 537.[11] Exactly how and under what context these eight pieces found a way outside of Pit H3 is unclear. It is conceivable that they were brought to a northern Xiaotun location for consultation and to be tested by the king and his diviners.

The oracle bone inscriptions from Huayuanzhuang East are generally considered to be the third most important collection of Shang oracle bones archaeologically unearthed to date, following the 1936 discovery of Pit YH 127 in Xiaotun North that yielded 17,096 inscribed pieces, and the 1973 discoveries at multiple locations in Xiaotun South that yielded a total of 7,150 pieces, 4805 inscribed. A numerical comparison between the largest, Pit YH 127, and the newest one, Pit H3, places the two on a quantitative par.[12] The 345 complete pieces from H3 is 88 more than the 257 complete pieces (after rejoins) from Pit YH 127. Including pieces that are half-shells or larger, the ratio is slightly weighted the other way, 514(YH 127): 430(H3).[13]

The ideal Shang oracle bones are those that have come to us unbroken and with their full context of other shells and pieces. Prior to this discovery, such conditions have been rare. Although they had become disjointed and separated during their disposal, the majority of the cracked bones from H3 and the inscribed divination accounts on them can be linked together in integral divination sets that lead to reconstructed timelines spanning periods of weeks and months. These reorganized material documents produce what is essentially the most unified and diachronically succinct “week-at-a-glance” account of daily life in early China.

1.3The shells and bones

The plastron (belly) and carapace (back) shells used to make the majority of Huayuanzhuang East divination came from two species of turtles, Ocadia sinensis (Zhongguo huagui 中國花龜) and Chinemys reevesii (wugui 烏龜). Both are freshwater turtles extensively dispersed in China, with the latter indigenous to areas in the north including Henan province. A non-Henan origin for the former suggests that it was tribute or a trade item entered into Shang from outlying areas.[14]

In preparation for divination, hollows were bored into a bone’s verso side. The number and configuration of these hollows varied depending on the size and shape of the bone. There were nine different hollow configurations in the turtle shells used to make Huayuanzhuang East divination, and Figure 3 illustrates the three most commonly occuring ones. An easy and simple way to distinguish hollow configurations is to first look at the number and configuration of hollows in the entoplastron (zhongjia 中甲), which is the organic space located in the upper part of the shell that intersects the central dividing line.[15] Examples in the Figure below show configurations of one, two and three hollows.

Fig. 3: Examples of hollow configurations

Writing was made on both verso and recto sides of the shells. As a general rule of Huayuanzhuang scribal practice, inscriptions on recto sides were divination records, and inscriptions on the verso sides were administrative receipts (that is, who or what place delivered how many shells/bones), [16] although there are exceptions in both cases. There are instances of administrative receipts and other information written on a recto side but set apart from divination records, and there are instances of divination judgments recorded on a verso side. When a judgment was recorded on a verso side it was commonly placed nearest the hollow(s) burned to make the divination, and intended to correspond to the divination crack and its recorded utterance on the recto side. The recording of a divination utterance on a recto side next to its corresponding divination crack(s), and a judgment on a verso side next to its corresponding burnt hollow(s), shows how professional scribes creatively used the divination medium to create symmetrically balanced “double-sided” documents. Huayuanzhuang divination records, and especially the preface to a divination and the divination utterance, are always found on recto sides in proximity to and usually written wrapping around a corresponding numbered crack or multiple cracks in a set. A crack with a number or a sequence of cracks with numbers plus a record of the divination constitutes a complete divination account.

The obliteration of some administrative receipts by hollow boring proves that the writing came first. This implies that shells were sent in without hollows, and that specialists attached to or affiliated with the divination workshop made hollows in various configurations thereafter. The two receipts in Figure 4 (a-b) were delivered from the same point of origin, but the name on the left one (a) has been partially destroyed by multiple hollows. Other instances are less apparent, as in the illustration on the right (c) where the upper left tip of the word “thirty” as a delivery count has been nicked off. Evidence suggests that it was the sender, deliverer, or possibly a receiver who wrote this information on the shells and bones contributed for divination. This interpretation is supported by the variety of different handwriting styles and “signatures” that can be detected in these administrative receipts.

Fig. 4: HYZ 79 (a) and HYZ 483 (b); HYZ 497 (c)

Divination cracks were often engraved. It is thought that this was done so that the cracks would not lose their visibility in the days following the divination.[17] No analysis has yet to be done on the selection of carved cracks vis-à-vis non-carved ones. Divination accounts (including cracks) were regularly filled with red or black pigment, and it is conceivable that select content and certain designated areas of the shell was color coded.[18] One divination account (HYZ 450.2-3) in particular about a provision to the prince while abroad of two turtles and one piece of cinnabar suggests that the turtles were for divination and the cinnabar was to color in the cracks and the writing. Since Huayuanzhuang East diviners routinely performed divination by simultaneously using two shells as a set and used red pigment to color in cracks and words, there is every reason to believe that this provision was a small travel package of divination supplies.

Two kinds of perforations appear on shells. The first were repairs to rejoin broken pieces made by drilling small round holes on both sides of a break and stitching it together with thread. These were the more common of the two and could occur anywhere on the shell surface that required it (Figure 5a-b).[19] Most fractures appear to have been initiated by repeated stress cracks that must have weakened the shell over time. The obliteration of a graph by a repair perforation (Figure 5b) means the bone had been cracked and accounts inscribed beforehand. Repairs presumably were made when the surface became fractured, and the rationale behind making repairs was to the keep the documents orderly and intact.[20] There are no instances of repaired shells or bones outside of the ones found in Pit H3.

Fig. 5a-b: Repair perforations: (l) stitching up a fractured lower body (HYZ 205); (r) reattaching a fractured bridge and obliterating a graph (top left; outlined) (HYZ 215)

A second kind of perforation was made with two holes punched symmetrically into the right and left sides of the shell. This apparently was intended to bind bundles of shells together (Figure 6), and could have been done for delivery, carry and travel, storage, and to keep groups and sets of shells together. Imagining sets of inscribed plastrons bound together naturally leads to a connection with the word for a book or document, ce (册), which is a pictograph of writing slips (the uneven vertical strokes) tied together with string (the circle). Evidence confirms that Shang diviners routinely made divinations about a single topic in three-crack multiples and simultaneously used multiple shells or bones in sets. Sets were often formed with shells and bones of the same size and in some cases were still kept together at storage. [21]

Fig. 6: Binding punches on HYZ 34

Finally, there are a relatively high number of erasures (129 surfaces). In several cases, large areas of inscribed surfaces were scraped clean. On others, some content or at least a vestige of writing is often still visible. There are instances where only a divination statement was erased but other parts of the record like the preface or a judgment remained (see for example, HYZ 1, 54, 68, 88, and 202). It certainly seems like keywords were intentionally preserved from erasure. While this apparently was the case, I would not readily agree with the conclusion that it was a result of intrigue in the palace.[22]

1.4The script

The paleography of the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions consists of 624 graphs written with 141 classifiers.[23] More than 70 of these graphs occur for the first time in Shang script.[24] The script shares general characteristics with Wu Ding-Zu Jia period scripts (that is, period I-period IIb oracle bone inscriptions), but there is a clear and distinctive style that recommends classifying it as an independent “type”. (For this reason, specialists now refer to it as “HuaDong 花東-type” script.[25]) This classification is important because as I mentioned earlier eight pieces written in what appears to be Huayuanzhuang-style handwriting have been discovered outside of Pit H3. The script is perhaps best described as one that combined archaic influence with innovation.[26] The Huayuanzhuang East scribes contributed to the early development of the Shang writing system, particularly as writing was applied to working in collaboration with professional diviners and recording divination on shell and bone.

The writing of several high-frequency words in forms once assumed to be centuries younger has implications for a current theory that an orthographic typology should be the main criteria for periodization.[27] Huayuanzhuang East paleography reemphasizes the need to use multiple criteria for dating an inscription. In fact, the absolute and relative dating of these oracle bone inscriptions to the reign of Wu Ding only uses orthography as tertiary criteria.[28]

Comparisons and associations can certainly be made with scripts from other Shang scribal organizations, but the Huayuanzhuang East script as a “type” does not neatly fit into a north-south theory of script development at Anyang originating from the so-called Shi 師 diviner group scribes.[29] Disparity between Huayuanzhuang East script and scripts used concurrently by other scribes at Anyang perhaps had less to do with the pedigree of the patron and more to do with scribal diversity. The possibility of regional influences cannot be discounted.

There are two different types of writing on the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bones. The first are divination accounts, and the second are non-divination notations. As I previously illustrated, instances where hollow boring on the verso side of a shell cut into and damaged words implies that some writing was made prior to divination. Notations had an administrative function and usually recorded the quantity and sender (or place of origin) of the shells and bones. Analysis reveals several different handwritings. This implies that notations, which includes “signatures” (see for instance HYZ 447 and 226.1), were written either at the point of origin, in transit, or upon delivery. Either way, the handwriting of notations is dissimilar from the several handwriting styles used to write the divination accounts. Handwriting analysis of the divination accounts reveals the presence of multiple scribes. I extract four handwriting styles, and there might have been more. Stated here in brief, detecting scribal identity is not just a rote study of graphic forms. It takes style and scribal habits like orientation (design and layout, boundary lines, etc.) into account, and combines these criteria to evaluate degrees of proficiency, and as a method to extract identity.[30]

1.5Divination sets, synchronies, and timelines

A fundamental task of working with the Huayuanzhuang East divination accounts is to reorganize the shells and bones by reconstructing sets, and to create timelines by linking together dates and interrelated content. The goal is to read the records in the chronological order in which they were produced, and as an alternative to the order in which they were found deposited in the pit.[31] Although there were instances where only a single crack and its associated charge statement was made on an issue, the divination records reveal that a more regular practice, and one that depended on the importance of the event, was to make a sequence of multiple cracks and lexically nuanced statements either on a single shell or simultaneously over a series of them in a set.

Shell sets made by multiple diviners on behalf of the Shang kings are a common feature of divination at this time.[32] That the Huayuanzhuang East diviners consistently utilized shell sets to make divination for a person other than a king corroborates that Shang divination was indeed a complex and technical practice performed by specialists; there were levels to it. It was not at all like flipping a coin one time and choosing heads or tails. One charge statement (HYZ 183) about animal sacrifice explicitly proposed to “use a second divination” (yong er bu 用二卜).[33] HYZ 61-62 (H3: 212rv) has a sequence of two divinations where a diviner tested the contradictory results of an earlier divination by another diviner.

Early divination practice favored making divination in sets of three (retroactively called san bu zhi 三卜制 “divination in threes”). This could be done in one of two ways: either by cracking a single shell or bone three times for one inquiry, or by making a single crack on each shell or bone over a set of three.[34] A corpus-based approach suggests that three-shell sets, which are the highest sustained combination in this organization’s practice, were reserved for important events.[35] Shells in sets had a tendency to be matched by shape and size.[36] A series of Huayuanzhuang East divinations made over five shells on the topic of the prince’s “ear ringing” (er ming 耳鳴) or tinnitus must have then been considered of paramount importance.[37] I focus on this particular set of inscriptions in Part II of the Introduction when discussing the identity of the main character.

Divinations with dates and parallel and corresponding content make it possible to link accounts extracted from single and multiple shells into chained timelines. There is not just a couple of these, but dozens,[38] some long and some short. Yao Xuan’s longest and most complex synchrony (Appendix III), for instance, which she collated from nearly 400 accounts on 65 intact or largely intact plastrons, spans just over two months.[39] Synchronies are a unique facet of working with a complete and unified corpus that likely did not span more than a couple of years. [40] Before now, simply nothing like this has ever been available.

What the word synchrony really means within the context of the Huayuanzhuang divination records starts by taking related divinatory content from multiple shells and stringing them together diachronically into timelines. An initial step isolates identical content appearing on multiple shells. A principle of coherency, which is a term that I use to refer to the frequency of events in both context and word and phrase regularity, also has to be taken into account. For example, synchronizations chaining divination records about rites made for the ancestor cult has to be done with a degree of caution since they were highly repetitive. Conversely, the occurrence on multiple pieces of low frequency or rare words and phrases increases the likelihood that there was a relationship between them and increases the chances that a secure synchronization can be made. Once a series has been securely identified, the remainder of the divination accounts on those shells can be synchronized into a timeline. The greater density of the inscriptions on the shells naturally increases the probability of making further synchronies with more shells. Even though it is probably packed too densely, Yao Xuan’s “Big Synchrony” (Appendix III) is an apex of this methodology. But there are dozens of smaller synchronies from which more complex timelines can be reconstructed. Starting with Table 2 in the following subsection, numerous examples of sets and synchronies in varying degrees of complexity will be presented throughout the remainder of this Introduction.

While reading the inscriptions, consulting Appendices II and III offers the option to read divination accounts diachronically and by topic. Since diviners and scribes often abbreviated content that was previously stated more completely, reading divinations in the order they were produced and locating antecedents not only helps to clarify context and meaning, [41] but it also leads to a more nuanced sense of how this group of diviners applied certain words and phrases.[42] This, in turn, provides unrestricted access into the craft of early Chinese divination practice and allows for a more refined understanding about how a group of diviners collectively and systematically worked through the planning and procedural stages of future events, and how they determined the viability of future action and predicted its outcomes.

1.6Periodization

Ceramics recovered from Pit H3 and its surrounding three rubbish pits (H2, H4, and H9),[43] in addition to numerous divination accounts about a living Lady Hao 婦好, confirm that the divinations were made and recorded during the reign of king Wu Ding. Lady Hao was one of Wu Ding’s three spouses and the discovery of her tomb in 1976 makes her one of only two people whose inscriptional identity can be verified by archaeology.[44] Oracle bone inscriptions made during Wu Ding’s reign confirm that she predeceased her husband.

The issue is to determine which period of Wu Ding’s reign the corpus belongs. Although traditional histories give this king a 59-year reign,[45] there is nothing within the oracle bone inscriptions to independently confirm or deny it. While most scholars in China follow the traditional dates, there are Sinologists who have drastically reduced his reign to less than two decades (1200-1181 BC).[46] Even though the positions and sequence of the former kings in the royal ritual cycle has been basically settled by internal evidence, [47] absolute dates and reign lengths for the Shang kings remain still very much inexact and unresolved. Lady Hao’s death, which occurred at some point during the second half of Wu Ding’s reign, only provides an end constraint.[48] The Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone accounts could have been produced any time prior to that event.

Assuming the traditional interpretation is followed and Wu Ding did reign for 59 years, then this number is conveniently dividable into both halves and thirds. The excavators of H3 date the pit and its contents based on ceramics to an archaeological-termed phase called Dasikong 大司空I-late Yinxu 殷墟I that is equivalent to the early period of Wu Ding’s reign (years 1-20). Historians and paleographers have pushed the date constraints back to his latter half (years 30-59) based on orthography,[49] people,[50] and war records.[51]

Divinations about war with Shao (召/卲; also written Dao 刀), a territorial group located to the west of Shang, first appear in the latter part of Wu Ding’s reign and continue after his death during the reign of his son and successor Zu Geng. Thereafter divinations about Shao cease entirely. A three-shell set of Huayuanzhuang East divinations can be synchronized with a three-shell set of divinations made by one of Wu Ding’s divination organizations called the Li 歷diviner group, and Table 2 shows how dates, people, and the subject of the divinations correspond.[52] Since it is generally accepted that the earliest group of Li diviner records, called “Li diviner type I” or “Father Yi type” 父乙類,[53] belong to Wu Ding’s late period, the more convincing interpretation at present is that the Huayuanzhuang East divinations were likely produced during the middle-late to late period of his reign.

Table 2: Synchronization of Huayuanzhuang East-Li diviner group I divinations on war with the Shao territory.

Dates

Divination Texts

Catalog #

Day

丁卯貞：王比沚[戓]伐召方，受[又(祐)。在]祖乙宗卜。五月。

TN 81

04/60

Tested on Dingmao: His Majesty, allying with Zhi [Ge] to attack the Shao territory, will receive [aid]. Divined [at] Ancestor Yi’s temple. Fifth month.

Day

辛未貞：王比沚戓伐召方。

TN 81

08/60

Tested on Xinwei: His Majesty will ally with Zhi Ge to attack the Shao territory.

辛未貞：王比[沚]戓

TN 2605

Tested on Xinwei: His Majesty will ally with [Zhi] Ge…

辛未卜：伯戓爯(稱)册。唯丁自正(征)卲。

HYZ 449

辛未卜：丁弗其比伯戓伐卲。

Divined on Xinwei: Bo Ge has raised a document. It will be His Highness himself who rectifies Shao.

Divined on Xinwei: His Highness is not likely to ally with Bo Ge to attack Shao.

辛未卜：丁唯好令比[伯]戓伐卲。

HYZ 237

Divined on Xinwei: It will be Hao whom His Highness commands to ally with [Bo] Ge to attack Shao.

辛未卜：丁唯子令比伯戓伐卲。

HYZ 275

辛未卜：丁唯多[丯(介)臣令]比伯戓伐卲。

Divined on Xinwei: It will be our lord whom His Highness commands to ally with Bo Ge to attack Shao.

Divined on Xinwei: It will be the Many [Great Wardens] whom His Highness [commands] to ally with Bo Ge to attack Shao.

Day

癸酉貞：王比沚戓伐召方，受[又(祐)。] 在大乙宗[卜]。

Heji 33058

10/60

Tested on Guiyou: His Majesty, allying with Zhi Ge to attack the Shao territory, will receive [aid]. [Divined] at Da Yi’s temple.

Day

丁丑貞：王比沚戓伐召[方]。

TN 81

14/60

Tested on Dingchou: His Majesty will ally with Zhi Ge to attack the Shao [territory].

⁎Huayuanzhuang East divinations are marked HYZ in the column “Catalog #”; Xiaotun South divinations from the Li diviner group are marked either TN (Xiaotun nandi jiagu) or Heji (Jiaguwen heji). Interchange of appellations for the king, Wang 王 and Ding 丁, are in bold. “Ancestor Yi” refers to the 18th Shang king. He was king Wu Ding’s great-great-grandfather.

Part II:People

2.1Preface

Divinations produced on behalf of an adult son of Wu Ding and Lady Hao naturally revolved around members of the royal family, members of the prince’s own household, and people who served and dealt with both. More than forty people simultaneously occur in these divinations and in those made on behalf of or by Wu Ding and other royal family members between the middle to late period of this king’s reign.[54] Matching the people whose names occur across the records of multiple divination groups can be a useful albeit indirect method to help with dating an inscription.[55]

There are approximately seventy living people and twenty-five ancestors in the Huayuanzhuang East records. [56] The main character, his parents the king and queen, family members including children, brothers, cousins, aunts, and colleagues, servants, workers and trusted associates occur frequently, while others appear sporadically or rarely. The divinations were performed and recorded by what was essentially a nameless professional group of diviners and scribes. However, the prince himself, along with family members and colleagues occasionally made their own divinations.[57]

The ancestors that received the most ritual attention and worship were those in the prince’s personal memory: his grandparents, uncles and aunts, great-grandparents, and one juvenile. This last “ancestor”, referred to as “Child (of day) Gui”, was perhaps a deceased child of his.

Individuals and groups of people, including deceased ancestors, can be classified as:

1)

The royal family

a)

The main character and patron of the divination and scribal workshop－an adult male, son of the king and queen, and head of his own household.

b)

The king and queen, the main character’s parents.

c)

Family members and relatives: his wife, children, brothers, cousins, aunts, uncles, etc.

d)

Ancestors.

2)

Staff and entourage, including diviners, scribes, servants, traders, artisans, builders, etc.

3)

Performers, including dancers and musicians.

4)

Military officials and personnel.

5)

Business associates, including contributors of divination materials, animals, textiles, and other goods.

6)

Captives and slaves.

7)

Non-royal families, allies, and associates.

8)

Territorial groups.

9)

Others.

A list of people is provided at the end of the Introduction (Table 5).

Hitherto I have referred to the patron-main character of the divinations as a prince and the other two central characters as his parents the king and queen. This section provides the supporting evidence. The secure identification throughout these divination accounts of a living Lady Hao both as the main character’s mother and as Wu Ding’s spouse is a starting point to confirm the identities of the main character and the person called “Ding 丁”. Table 2 has already demonstrated the interchange of two appellations for Wu Ding, “Ding” and “Wang 王” (king). A person called “Ding” occurs in other royal family divination records but prior to this discovery it was not clear that this word was another designation for the king. Huayuanzhuang diviners as a rule also only called their patron by an appellation, “Zi 子”, which in addition to its primary meaning of “child”, was also a designation for an eldest son and head of a family.[58] Lady Hao’s identification is key because these two appellations, “Zi 子” and “Ding 丁”, are ambiguous out of context and had a wider application. Divination records made for royal family members other than the kings also used these appellations, but prior to this discovery their identities were obscured by the absence of a person with a secure identity like what we now have with Lady Hao.

The appellation “Ding” was not restricted for royal use, although the majority of instances in oracle bone inscriptions occur in royal family group divinations in reference to the Head of the royal lineage, the Shang kings. This appellation however also occurs in oracle bone divinations made for the kings in reference to the Head of other lineages and groups of people, and this usage indicates a wider application. Additional names for a living Lady Hao like “Majestic Lady Hao”, “Majestic Lady Mother”, “Mother, His Majesty’s Lady” and “His Highness’ Majestic Lady” provide compelling evidence that she was the main character’s mother and a wife of the king. There are instances of a female called solely “Lady”, but an intact shell like HYZ 5 with its interrelated and coherent divination sequence confirms that it referred to Lady Hao as well. Once the identity of the main character is revealed to be an adult son of a living Lady Hao and Wu Ding, the next issue is to try and identify which of the king’s children this prince might have been. Finally, I offer evidence to support my statement above about the meaning and usage of “Ding” as a designation.

2.2Comparison between the organization of royal households in the Huayuanzhuang East and Zi-group divinations

Scholars have long known about divinations made for people other than the Shang kings. Amongst these types of divinations, those made for royal households are the largest and best understood. Table 1 lists other sets of divinations also called “Zigroup”, and this means that the main character, like the prince in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations, was also only referred to by the appellation “Zi 子”. One method to establish the identity of kings and patrons of other Shang divination practices is to use divination records about ancestor sacrifice to determine generations of ancestors and to reconstruct ancestor hierarchies. Since this has already been done efficiently for the Zi-group (Table 1: Lin Yun’s “C type”; hereafter “Zi-group I”) divinations, a basic understanding of the generation and identity of that main character is additional criteria to identify the generation of the main character in these divinations.

The amount of Zi-group I divinations is significantly less than the nearly 2500 individual Huayuanzhuang East accounts, and the inability to reconstruct divination sets and timelines makes contextualizing it difficult. The number of people in the two sets is approximately the same, but the absence of Lady Hao and important royal relatives, regional allies, high-ranking officials, and groups of specialized workers indicates that the Huayuanzhuang East main character had more power and authority, stronger networks, and a higher status.

Zi-group I divinations often mention nuclear and extended family members, and people in their employ. The family members and people who received the most concern were the head of the family “Zi 子”, his spouse, brothers and cousins, various females, and servants and workers.[59] Based on our knowledge of divinations of this kind we should expect to see similar divinations in the Huayuanzhuang East records. Family members and those who served the house can be partially reconstructed from a set of nineteen divinations made in a three-shell set (HYZ 205-349-441). Trusted servants like Da 大 and Fa 發, who handled the prince’s daily affairs, appear throughout the accounts and had a variety of responsibilities and tasks.

The Zi-group I ancestor list outnumbers the Huayuanzhuang East ancestor list by approximately ten members. Most importantly for our discussion here is how the “temple-day” names and generational tags of ancestors determine the generation and identity of the main character in both sets. A “temple-day” name was fixed at death through divination and refers to the particular day of each week that an ancestor, at a minimum, received worship and offerings.[60] New ancestors often required the living to update references to older ancestors by adding words and numbers to distinguish them as the number of deceased people expanded.[61]

The most frequently worshipped ancestors in Zi-group I divinations were called Fu 父 “Father”, which means that these ancestors were one generation ascending from the perspective of that main character. The four temple-day names that occur in combination with and after the word “Father”— Father Jia (day 1/10), Father Geng (day 7/10), Father Xin (day 8/10) and Father Yi (day 2/10)— match the temple-day names of ancestors of the Father-generation in Wu Ding’s divinations. This implies both that the king in Zi-group I divinations was Wu Ding, and that the main character was a brother or more likely a cousin (Table 3). Divination accounts made for this brother or cousin of Wu Ding further reveal that he was of adult age and had already established his own family.

Ancestor lists reveal that the age difference between the main characters of the Zi-group I divinations and Huayuanzhuang East Zi-group divinations was generational (Table 3). The main character of the Zi-group I divinations was one generation older. The method used to determine this is the same that was done above, that is with a focus on ancestor hierarchies, although as I mentioned earlier the Huayuanzhuang East records provide a more secure starting point by repeatedly divining about a living Lady Hao. The ancestors of the Father and Mother generation in the Zi-group I divinations equal the ancestors of the Grandfather and Grandmother generation in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations. This implies that the main character of the Huayuanzhuang East divinations was a son or nephew of the king, Wu Ding.

Table 3: Comparison of ancestor designations in Wu Ding’s and Zi-group divinations.

2.3Zi 子 as the patron of the divination practice and the main subject in the divinations

Zi 子is easily identified as the main character in the Huayuanzhuang East records because this person occurs as the subject of a divination statement far more than anyone else. This same person was also the only one with the authority to make formal predictions on divination cracks (text introduced by the word zhan 占 “read a crack > predict”), and the only person other than the king who issued commands (ling 令). The following instances show how the main character appears as the subject in divination statements on a variety of themes:

(1)

壬申卜：子往于田从昔所。用。擒四鹿。一 35.1

Divined on Renshen: Zi (Our lord) will go to hunt from the old location. Used. Caught four deer. 1

(2)

己卯卜：子見(獻) 以琡丁。用。一 37.3

Divined on Jimao: Zi (Our lord) will present large jade tablets brought from You to Ding (His Highness). Used. 1

(3)

癸卜，貞：子耳鳴亡害。一 53.25

Divined on Gui, tested: Zi’s (Our lord’s) ear ringing is without harm. 1

(4)

丁卯卜：雨其至于夕。子占曰：其至，亡翌戊。用。 103.2

Divined on Dingmao: Rain likely arrives by evening. Zi (Our lord) read the crack and said, “It should arrive; it will be gone tomorrow, day Wu.” Used.

(5)

乙亥夕，歲祖乙黑牝一，子祝。一 161.2

On the evening of Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black cow (and) Zi (our lord) will pray. 1

(6)

庚戌卜：唯王令余呼(燕>宴)，若。一 420.4

Divined on Gengxu: It being the king’s command (that) I call to banquet, (it) will be favorable. 1

(7)

乙巳卜：丁各，子[于庭]爯(稱)。用。一 34.11

Divined on Yisi: Ding (His Highness) arrives; Zi (our lord), [in the courtyard], will raise (jades). Used. 1

Ancestor worship, sacrificial offerings, health and well-being, dreams, the weather, hunting, ritual performance, war, and the submission of goods and contributions are central themes of Shang divination as a practice. The syntax or word order of an oracle bone divination statement conveys who was the subject of the divination and language indicates whether a divination was for someone or about them. In four of the six examples above, “Zi” was the first word of the divination statement, and this is one of most common types of word-ordering in the corpus, with another being like (5) on the topic of ancestor sacrifice, where the initial clause was without a defined subject and the diviner’s patron governed the final clause about prayer. A third type of syntax, like (7), first stated background information as a circumstance, and then addressed specific information that the diviners wanted to decide. In these instances, the subject of the divination governed a later clause.

There are divinations, like in the following examples, where a person other than Zi was the divinatory subject.

(8)

辛卜：丁不涉。一 28.10-11

辛卜：丁涉，从東兆獸(狩)。一

Divined on Xin: Ding (His Highness) is not going to cross the river. 1

Divined on Xin: Ding (His Highness) is going to cross the river and hunt from the eastern edge. 1

(9)

辛亥卜：惠發見于婦好。不用。一 63.4

Divined on Xinhai: It should be Fa who has audience about/with Lady Hao. Not used. 1

The use of negatives and other adverbs indicate whether a verb was considered to be controllable or uncontrollable,[62] and whether the topic being divined about was a subjective preference or an objective impartiality (to a degree). Although Ding was the subject in (8), the use of the stative, non-modal negative bu 不 “will not/ is not going to” (and elsewhere non-stative, non-modal fu 弗), and not the modals wu 勿 “should not” or wu 毋 “must not”, means that divination was being done about the king and not for him. When divination was done on behalf of someone (a “client”), diviners used negatives and other adverbs that denoted control and preference like wu 勿 and hui 惠 “it should be”. Divination (9) was about Fa, one of the prince’s servants, but it was still made on behalf of Zi and something that he could control and ultimately decide. This particular divination indicates a preference for Fa to do something and was part of a longer sequence that suggested alternatives.

The occurrence of the first person singular pronoun (yu 余) in (6) means that Zi made the divination, and confirms that he took orders from the king. In the same logic, the repeated occurrence in other divination utterances of the designation “Zi”, and not a first person pronoun, implies he was not the diviner of those divinations, for if he was, and as a rule, he would not have referred to himself in this way. In divinations without a defined subject or in divinations where the designation “Zi” is absent, it is uncertain who the diviner was. Perhaps Zi was the diviner or perhaps he was not the diviner but the implied subject; perhaps he was both the diviner and the implied subject, or perhaps he was the diviner and the implied subject was collective (“we”).

As in example (4), Zi was the only person with the status and authority to make formal predictions. This was directly related to his position as head of his household and attests to the fact that he judged and determined the course of action for himself, those in his household, and for those who served him.

The Huayuanzhuang East divination records need to be read with foreknowledge that all of the divinations about Zi were for him, and the divinations concerning Ding, Lady Hao and others were about them but for Zi. Ultimately Zi endorsed all the results of his divination practice. This is the reason I refer to Zi as the patron of the divination practice and the protagonist in these divination accounts. The diviners who made divinations on his behalf entirely represented his interests. Divinations were based on the patron’s motivations and preoccupations, and constantly pursued his benefit and advantage.

2.4The appellation “Zi”, his identity as a member of the royal family, and the probability that he was the son or nephew of Wu Ding and Lady Hao

As I mentioned earlier, “zi” is a word that in addition to having a root meaning of “child” was also used in a social context at this time to denote the head of a family.[63] From the perspective of the prince’s staff and family members with lower status “zi” meant “lord” or “master”.[64] From the perspective of his father and mother it meant “son”. Diviners, scribes, and family members of lower status did not call their patron and the head of household “child” or “son”, just like the king and queen did not call their son “lord” or “master”. Perspective is key to understanding how appellations were applied in different linguistic and social contexts. I show how this works later in a discussion about a five-shell set on the subject of “ear ringing” (tinnitus). (Example (3) cited in the previous section belongs to this set.) “Zi” as an honorific appellation for males continued after the Shang period and its usage is well attested in Pre-Qin sources in reference to one’s teacher, one’s master or lord, and as a term of respect to address men in general.

In Shang divination records approximately 120 people had names that were preceded by the designation “Zi”.[65] “Zi” meant “child” or “prince” from the perspective of the kings, and in reference to royal children. The reason a bare “Zi” without any name following it was never employed as a regular practice in divinations for or by the kings about their children is because they had many of them. When referred to individually, royal children were usually called “child X”. The title duo zi 多子 “Many Children” was how children were referred to as a group, and this designation presumably continued to be used once they had established their own households.[66] The term duo zi 多子 occurs once in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations and seemingly referred at least to the twelve “Zi” that appear in the accounts:, the main character (Zi Rong), Zi Jin, Zi Xing, Zi Pou, Zi Hua, Zi Zeng, Zi Yu, Zi Guo, Zi Hu, Zi Bi, Zi Sheng, and Zi Mei. There was also a group of people called “Yong duo zi 雝多子” (HYZ 409.32) that once met with Lady Hao. They were likely a coalition of family heads from this place, but it is uncertain what their relationship was to the royal family.

The main character and patron of the Huayuanzhuang East divinations was the only person diviners called “Zi” without a proper name following it. Other family members called “Zi + name”, like the eleven “Zi” mentioned above, were probably brothers and cousins that in some cases had already established families and households of their own. Within their respective households these men would have also presumably been called “Zi” by their staff and lower status, and not “Zi” plus their name as they are referred to in these divination records. The same logic implies that the main character of the Huayuanzhuang East divinations would presumably have been called “Zi” plus one of his names in divinations for or by the king and for or by the heads of other royal family households. A method to extract the identity of the Huayuanzhuang East main character is therefore to look for evidence in the king’s divination records and see what connections can be made.

Several interpretations on the identity of the main character have been put forth to date. While the majority opinion now appears to accept that he was a member of the royal family and either a son or nephew of Wu Ding and Lady Hao, skeptics somewhat defensibly point to the inability to match all of the Huayuanzhuang ancestors to ancestors in Wu Ding’s divinations as an indication that a royal affiliation is incorrect. But the majority of ancestors do in fact correspond to previously known royal ancestors, and they also line up rather well with the “near” ancestors in Zi-group Set I divinations.

There are scholars who propose the protagonist was a male of the same generation as Wu Ding, which means he would have been of the same generation as the protagonist in the Zi-group I divinations.[67] This interpretation suggests that he traced his ancestry back to a former king but was no longer in the direct line of rulership. Others have proposed he was a high-ranking official with an uncertain blood relationship to the king.[68]

There is enough evidence amongst Huayuanzhuang East divinations on ancestor worship to trust that the main character was in fact a generation younger than both king Wu Ding and the main character of the Zi-group I divinations. The ancestors who received the most ritual attention are called “Ancestor”—“Ancestor Yi”, “Ancestress Geng”, “Ancestor Jia”, “Ancestor Geng” and “Ancestor Xin”—and these temple-days plus kin-generation designations perfectly match the same five ancestors called “Father” and “Mother” in Wu Ding’s divinations and in Zi-group I divinations. Ancestor Yi and Ancestress Geng were worshipped and sacrificed to jointly in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations, and this implies they were husband and wife and that they were Wu Ding’s parents, the 26th Shang king Xiao Yi and his spouse, “Mother” (Mu) Geng. In the Huayuanzhuang East divinations Ancestor Yi is also called “Near Ancestor” in a prayer text to be spoken by the main character (HYZ 161). This reference makes it clear that he was of the prince’s grandfather-generation and not an older more distant ancestor. The prince’s blood grandparents received the most ritual attention. Nearly half of all divinations on ancestor worship and sacrifice concern his grandmother Ancestress Geng. The ancestors that occur the most after his grandparents were the prince’s uncles, who were kings before his grandfather, and his great grandfather.

The striking absence of ancestors from the father-generation in Huayuanzhuang East worship suggests that the main character’s father was still alive. Coupling this with fact that Lady Hao was alive and called “mother” and repeated accounts of the intense and intimate relationship between “Zi”, Ding and Lady Hao naturally leads towards the assumption that Lady Hao and Ding were his parents. A possible single reference to a “Father Bing” and sporadic sacrifice to a “Mother Wu” (one of Wu Ding’s other spouses) and a “Mother Bing” indicate that neither of these ancestors one generation ascending were his parents.[69] Assuming the main character was the son of Wu Ding, the absence of an ancestor called Father Ding or Mother Xin, which was Lady Hao’s temple-day designation, means that Wu Ding and Lady Hao were both still alive. The divination accounts make it certain that they were.

A divination account like the following from HYZ 331 illustrates what I mean when I say that there was an intense and familiar relationship between the protagonist, Ding, and Lady Hao.

(10)

辛卜：王婦母曰子，丁曰子其有疾。允其有。 一二 331.1-2

其(寐)，若。

Divined on Xin: The Majestic Lady Mother said, “Son, His Highness said ‘Our son will likely have sickness.’” (Our lord/I) really might have (sickness). 12 (Our lord/I) should sleep, (for it) will be favorable.

Divinations for and by Shang kings often tried to predict the health and well-being of themselves and others,[70] but the complexity of embedded communication between three people in this divination is unique. A straightforward way to explain the relationship between them is that Zi 子 was the son of 王婦母 (Majestic Lady Mother) and Ding 丁 (His Highness). The king’s statement, transmitted to the prince via his mother, [71] is quite likely to have originally been a kingly divination and prognostication. What happened as a result and what makes divinations made by people other than the Shang kings exceptional is that the prince’s diviner, or perhaps the prince himself, then applied the king’s prediction and made a series of divinations based on it. The first, 331.1, tried to determine its validity, while the following one, 331.2, proposed a remedy to avoid it. This second divination reveals that the prince took the king’s communication very seriously and with caution.[72] The sense of the word “Zi” in this particular divination is what I meant above when I spoke about the importance of perspective. Another way to understand the two instances of “Zi” is “our lord”, with the nuance being that the prince’s diviners took the queen’s speech and “translated” its content for use in their own divinations.[73] As I alluded to earlier, based on the form of Wu Ding’s divination records it is almost certain that “Zi” in the king’s utterance above would have been called by another name when the king’s diviners did their divinations. The next section provides a clear example of this.

In addition to divinations that read like those of the “family kind”, the main character was often concerned about the effects of his actions on the king. He seems consistently preoccupied with the king’s mood towards him, and anxious about the king’s safety and well-being while away from him.

(11)

甲寅卜：乙卯子其學《商》，丁侃。用。一 487.1-2

甲寅卜：乙卯子其學《商》，丁侃。子占曰：有咎。用。子髀。二三

Divined on Jiayin: On Yimao, if our lord practices “Shang”, His Highness will be happy. Used. 1

Divined on Jiayin: On Yimao, if our lord practices “Shang”, His Highness will be happy. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “There is fault.” Used. Lord Bi. 23

(12)

往于舞，若，丁侃。 183.7

Going to dance will be favorable; His Highness will be happy.

(13)

丙午卜，在：子其呼多尹入璧，丁侃。 196.1

Divined on Bingwu, at Lu: If our lord calls the Many Commanders to contribute jade circlets, His Highness will be happy.

(14)

戊寅卜：舟嚨告，丁弗(虞)，侃。一二 255.7

Divined on Wuyin: Zhou Long reports You’s (jade delivery). His Highness is not going to be upset, (but) happy about it. 12

(15)

甲子，丁各宿。一 60.2

On Jiazi, His Highness will arrive and spend the night. 1

(16)

壬卜：子其入廌、牛于丁。一 38.4-5

壬卜：丁聞子呼[視]戎，弗作(虞)。一

Divined on Ren: Our lord should contribute antelope (and) cattle to His Highness. 1 Divined on Ren: His Highness, hearing that our lord has called to [inspect] the (enemy) warriors, is not going to become upset. 1

Numerous divinations are about if and when the king would arrive to the prince’s location, spend the evening, and participate in ritual activities. Long sequences of divinations prepared and planned for how the king would be received. The prince also stayed with Ding for periods of time and divinations made during these stays were concerned about whether the prince’s departure would upset him.

Comparable to the circumstances surrounding example (10) above, the prince had divinations made about Ding’s well-being as well.

(17)

丁小艱亡☐。一 155.5

His Highness’ minor affliction will not have… 1

(18)

子有鬼夢，亡戾。一 349.19-20

子夢，丁亡戾。一

Our lord had a demon dream; there will be no misfortune. 1

Our lord dreamt. His Highness will have no misfortune. 1

(Or: Our lord dreamt of His Highness. There will be no misfortune.)

(17) indicates that Ding was already having trouble of some kind. Although the inscription is not complete and it is missing a fuller context, the prince seems to have been aware of Ding’s distress and made his own divination in response and in order to determine if it would escalate and persist, or whether there was no need to worry about it further.[74] Divinations were also made by the prince’s diviners about whether Ding would continue to worry about their master’s health.

(19)

己卜：丁終(虞)于子疾。一 69.6-7

己卜：丁終不(虞)于子疾。一

Divined on Ji: His Highness, until its end, will be upset about our lord’s illness. 1

Divined on Ji: His Highness, until its end, is not going to be upset about our lord’s illness. 1

This divination sequence suggests that Ding was simultaneously making his own divinations about his son’s sickness. Divinations like (17) and (19) have led to my understanding of the king’s utterance in example (10) as the result of an earlier divination prediction.

In the chained sequence in example (18), the prince had a nightmare and Ding was implicated in it. Divinations followed to ensure that neither the dreamer nor those in or implicated by the dream would be negatively affected. (See the three-shell set 349-441-205 for the other people involved.) Although there are no judgments attached to these records, hypothetically speaking a negative judgment might have been cause to report it to Ding, just like how Lady Hao informed him that Ding predicted he would get sick.

Examples like those adduced above attest to the complexity of Shang divination. Divination by the kings about family members and subjects, and divination by royal family members about the king and queen added a special dimension to communication and social interaction. It reveals the importance of divination culture and suggests a preoccupation with chance and prediction at the highest levels of Shang society. The next section, on the identity of the prince, builds off this discussion.

In summary, the divination accounts confirm that the person called only by the designation “Zi” was the patron of the divination practice and a member of the Shang royal family who was one generation younger than king Wu Ding. He was almost certainly the son of Wu Ding and Lady Hao. What the divinations do not make explicit is which son he was. Wu Ding’s diviners made divinations about childbirth, and there are records of Lady Hao’s pregnancy. How many children Wu Ding fathered and how many children he had with Lady Hao are unknown. The more sons he had means the less of a chance we have to make a secure identification. There seems to be, however, enough information in these divination records to endorse that he was Zi Rong 子 (戎) in the king’s divinations.[75]

2.5The hypothesis that the prince was Zi Rong 子戎 in the divination records of Wu Ding

The Huayuanzhuang East divinations contain a five-shell set with a total of five divinations in seven cracks on the problem of “our lord’s ear ringing” (Zi er ming 子耳鳴).[76] The number of shells or bones used to make divination about a single issue in Shang oracle bone divination reveals its degree of importance or urgency. In the Huayuanzhuang divination practice five shells was the highest count used to form one set, and this implies the prince’s tinnitus was one of the most serious issues that these diviners encountered. Oracle bone divination about ear problems was rare, but one well-known Wu Ding period divination account confirms that it was taken seriously and could warrant large-scale sacrificial measures.[77] Dates in the prefaces to this set of Huayuanzhuang East divinations make it relatively clear that all five shells were in use at the same time and that the entire event spanned no shorter than what must have been an intense twelve-day period.

Based on the formula by which scribes recorded prefaces in these divination accounts, the records can be divided into two subsets. One group records prefaces in a sixty-day count in the form ganzhi bu 干支卜 “Divined on day X/ 60”, and the other in a weekly ten-day count in the forms of gan bu 干卜 “Divined on day X/ 10” and gan bu zhen 干卜貞 “Divined on day X/ 10, tested”.

Subset A:

(20)

壬戌卜，在囗[子] (剖)：子耳鳴唯有 (辭)，亡至艱。一二 450.1

Divined on Renxu (day 59/60), at…Lord Pou: Our lord’s ear ringing means (or: is a sign that) there is blame, (but) there will be no (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 12

(21)

癸酉卜：子耳鳴唯癸子害。一 275.5

Divined on Guiyou (day 10/60): Our lord’s ear ringing means Gui-day child[78] is doing harm. 1

Subset B:

(22)

丁卜：子耳鳴亡害。一 501.1

Divined on Ding: Our lord’s ear ringing is without harm. 1

(23)

庚卜：弜(勿) (禳)子耳鳴，亡小艱。一 39.21

Divined on Geng: Do not make rite to dispel our lord’s ear ringing, (for) there will be no minor affliction. 1

(24)

癸卜，貞：子耳鳴亡害。一 53.25-26

癸卜，貞：子耳鳴亡害。二

Divined on Gui, tested: Our lord’s ear ringing is without harm. 1

Divined on Gui, tested: Our lord’s ear ringing is without harm. 2

An interconnection undoubtedly exists between these divination accounts regardless of how the ones with partial dates in Subset B are positioned within the synchrony. No other records of tinnitus in this corpus make it certain that the divinations made over these five shells originally formed a set. Example (21) is from HYZ 275, which was part of another divination set (a three-shell set) about war with Shao discussed earlier and arranged in Table 2. (Day Xinwei 8/60 was two days earlier than Guiyou 10/60.) Example (24) is a type of divination that I call a “test divination”. When a divination utterance was preceded by the word zhen 貞 “test” it represented an advanced decision-making stage of the divination process and served to make a definitive test or final check of an antecedent. (24) seems to have tested divinations (20) and (21), neither of which produced a result when made earlier the same day and the day before. But as far as the records show neither did the two test-divination cracks. The following divinations made by Wu Ding’s diviners at a separate location, and on what appears to be the same matter, did in fact get a positive result.

(25)

丁卜， 貞：勿禦子(戎)[耳] 。王占曰：吉。(戎)亡。Heji 3187r

貞：祼于母庚， (贏)。

于妣己祼，子(戎) (贏)。

Divined on Ding,[79] Ke tested: Do not make an exorcism rite for Zi Rong’s [ear][80]…The king read the crack and said, “Lucky. Rong will not have…”

Tested: Make an ale libation to Mother Geng, (and he) will profit (> improve). [81]

(Tested): To Ancestress Ji make an ale libation, (and) lord Rong will profit (> improve).

This sequence of divinations comes from a nearly intact plastron (Heji 3187r=GuoBo 28; Figure 7). The divination account with the king’s prognostication was written along the left side of the shell in two columns of large calligraphy and colored in with cinnabar. Based on the smaller calligraphy on the right hand side of the shell, the account in large calligraphy was written for display purposes.[82] The style of handwriting is what scholars refer to as “Bin 賓 [diviner] type I”, and this means that it was produced during the middle to early-late period of Wu Ding’s reign and likely at a location in the north of Xiaotun.[83] The test divinations were made by a known and trusted diviner of the king named Ke.[84] Earlier I said that the king and his diviners would not have referred to one of the king’s children solely by the appellation “Zi”, and here is good evidence to support that interpretation. Diviner Ke calls the king’s son “master/prince Rong”, whereas the king calls him “Rong” without “Zi” in front of it. A further comparison between these two sets reveals a correspondence in both form and content.

As is somewhat expected concerning an emergency about their master’s own person, the prince’s diviners appear to have been considerably more active and cautious than the king’s diviner. The king, on the other hand, and presumably once he learned what was happening, wanted to remedy the situation and to see instant improvement. The use of a specific divination coda by the king’s diviner conveys this quite directly.[85]

What we have here is another episode where divination was used to try and predict the fortunes of others. Missing in the scenario presented earlier about Lady Hao passing on a divination judgment to her son was the king’s actual divination about it. Read against the five-shell set cited above, I propose that this was precisely the circumstance that led to the divinations about Rong on Heji 3187.

There are several starting points to make a connection between the two sets. The first is the correspondence between the names Zi Rong and Rong in the king’s divinations and the toponym Rong in the Huayuanzhuang East accounts. Rong was one of two toponyms in the Huayuanzhuang East divination accounts that occurred the most. Second, is how the dates in the preface are recorded in a ten-day count and not in a sixty-day one. The Huayuanzhuang East divinations regularly used both ten-day and sixty day counts, but the ten-day count was rare in Bin I scribal practice.[86] Third, is the parallel language between the divination statements “弜(勿) (禳)子耳鳴” and “勿禦子(戎)[耳] ”. The first two graphs were variants that wrote the same word (an adverbial negative), and the predicate verbs that followed them were synonymous. Both diviners posed their utterances in a negative mode, and this implies that neither desired to resort to exorcism. The prince’s diviners appear to have not gotten an answer, but the king got the answer he wanted, and subsequently had his scribe display it in large, bold calligraphy.

Fig. 7: Wu Ding period “display inscription” of divination about Rong’s ear (illness); Heji 3187 [Bin I type].

The other two divinations by Ke on behalf of the king focused on which female ancestor to direct ale libations in order for the afflicted to recover. The first proposition was to direct it to the king’s Mother Geng 母庚, and the second proposition was to make it to the king’s Ancestress (Grandmother) Ji 妣己. Divinations about making ale libations to these same recipients occur in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations. Ale libation (guan 祼) was an integral part of daily worship events and the platform to make ritual announcements and reports (gao 告). Reports covered a variety of issues but most commonly concerned urgent matters like sickness and dreams, when exorcism as a remedy had either been postponed or abandoned. When announcements like this were made in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations, it was usually by the prince to his Grandmother Geng (i.e., the king’s Mother Geng); and when exorcism was required, joint rites were performed to the prince’s Grandmother Geng together with Geng’s mother-in-law, Ancestress Ji, who was the prince’s great grandmother (i.e., the king’s Grandmother Ji).

A fourth starting point is that both Zi Rong in Wu Ding’s divinations and the Huayuanzhuang East prince were often sick and injured. In fact, amongst the royal children Zi Rong is perhaps best characterized by his illnesses.[87] Illness and death comprised the majority of divinations made on behalf of or by the king about Zi Rong (10/19 instances). Two divinations (Heji 13874r) specifically inquired into whether “Zi Rong will recover from this illness”, while most of the others were like Heji 3187, on whether exorcism was needed for him to heal. The only illness ever mentioned was to the ear.

In addition to the king’s divinations for Zi Rong about directing exorcism rituals to Mother Geng and Ancestress Ji on Heji 3187, Father Yi, Ancestor Ding, Mother Bing, and Elder Brother Ding were surveyed as alternative recipients (or targets).[88] Father Yi and Ancestor Ding, Wu Ding’s father and grandfather, were the Huayuanzhuang East prince’s grandfather and great grandfather. The correspondence of ancestor names across the two groups of divination accounts further lowers the odds in favor of Zi Rong in the king’s divinations and “Zi” in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations being the same person.

The Huayuanzhuang East prince suffered from a variety of illnesses and injuries to his head, ear, mouth, tooth, stomach, and shoulder. As I mentioned earlier, the simultaneous use of a set of five-shells to make divinations on a single topic implies that the issue was of maximum concern. Ear ringing and ear illness rarely occurred in Shang oracle bone divinations and two of the three people that had it were Zi Rong and the Huayuanzhuang East prince. Since both were one generation younger than Wu Ding, members of the royal family, and either one of his children or nephews, the odds that Zi Rong was the Huayuanzhuang East prince seems the lowest amongst the possible choices.[89]

2.6The prince and the place Rong

The toponym Rong (戎) occurs thirty-five times on twenty shells and was a place of concentrated activity for the main character. The divination accounts suggest that the prince, under the king’s command and along with other members of their clan, sieged and subdued Rong. After doing so he settled there and took it as a stronghold. I propose that the name Zi Rong in Wu Ding’s divinations was related to and a result of this victory. Oracle bone records firmly attest to an association between names and places, and especially names that occur in the formula “Zi 子 + name”. Nearly 50% of the 185 examples of “Zi + name” in Shang oracle bone and bronze inscriptions correspond to places.[90]

Divinations about the toponym Rong can be divided into five categories:

1)

The submission of Rong (157, 294)

2)

Construction works (294, 416.12↔286.11, 419)

3)

Visits by family members (37, 63, 195, 294) and an important ally (108)

4)

Ritual activity (81, 195, 248, 286, 474, 490, 491, 493, 421)

5)

Weather (103)

The synchronies 157↔294 and 37.20-23↔63.1-3↔195.1-4 (↔81.1↔248) are particularly significant. The first divination sequence details events related to the prince taking control of Rong along with a brother or cousin and other members of “His Highness’ clan-based military unit”. An announcement was then sent to the king that reported the state of affairs, the group’s well-being, taking up residence, and plans to build constructions in his name. The second sequence tells of plans and preparations made in advance of a visit by Lady Hao, sacrificial and worship events for the prince’s grandmother, and the death of Wei 韋 mentioned earlier. The dates in the list above all correspond and the divinatory content is interrelated. Table 4 attempts to collate and reconstruct a unified timeline of events.

Table 4: The “Rong” synchrony

Date of divination

Divination record

HYZ #

Day 36/60

己亥卜：子于(戎)宿，夙殺牢妣庚。用。一

267

Divined on Jihai: Our lord, staying overnight in Rong, at dawn will kill some pen-raised cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. Used. 1

庚子，歲妣庚在(戎)牢。子曰：卜未(妹)。子髟(孚)。一

On Gengzi (day 37/60), sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pen-raised cattle that are at Rong. Our lord said, “(This) crack, still not yet [said of the proposed sacrifice].” Our lord trusted (it). 1

Day 38/60

辛丑卜：翌壬子其以[中]周于(戎)。子曰：不其囗[孚]。 一

108

Divined on Xinchou: Tomorrow, Ren (day 39/60),[91] our lord should lead [Zhong] Zhou into Rong. Our lord said, “Is not likely….” [Trusted]. 1

Day 45/60

戊申卜：其將妣庚于(戎)東官(館)。用。一

248

Divined on Wushen: Should carry in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng in Rong’s eastern guesthouse. Used. 1

癸丑，將妣庚，其歲妣庚牢。在(戎)。一二三

On Guichou (day 50/60), carrying in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng, should sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pen-raised cattle. At Rong. 123

Day 48/60

辛亥卜：子以婦好入于(戎)。用。 一

195

Divined on Xinhai: Our lord will lead Lady Hao to enter into Rong. Used. 1

辛亥卜：子肇婦好琡。往 (縣)，在(戎)。 一二

Divined on Xinhai: Our lord will dispense Lady Hao some large jade tablets. Going to Xuan, at Rong. 12

辛亥卜：呼微面見于婦好。在(戎)。用 一

Divined on Xinhai: Call Wei to face and have audience about/with Lady Hao. At Rong. Used.1

辛亥卜：惠入人。用。 一

Divined on Xinhai: It should be Ru men. Used. 1

辛亥卜：子其以婦好入于(戎)，子呼多御(禦)正(征)見于婦好，肇紤十。往 (縣)。 一

63

Divined on Xinhai: When our lord leads Lady Hao into Rong, our lord will call the Many Defense Regulators to have audience about/with Lady Hao, (and) dispense (to her) ten tapestries. Going to Xuan. 1

辛亥卜：發肇婦好紤三，微肇婦好紤二。用。往 (縣)。 一

Divined on Xinhai: Fa will dispense Lady Hao three tapestries, (and) Wei will dispense Lady Hao two tapestries. Used. Going to Xuan. 1

辛亥卜：惠發見于婦好。不用。 一

Divined on Xinhai: It should be Fa who has audience about/with Lady Hao. Not used. 1

Day 49/60

壬子卜：子其告(戎)既(率)丁。子曾告曰：丁族 (宓)孰(塾)宅。子其作丁予(序)于(戎)。 一

294

Divined on Renzi: Our lord should report that Rong is already under control (to) His Highness. Lord Zeng reported (it), saying, “His Highness’ clan-based military unit is safe and residing (in) stations next to the main gate. Your son (or: Our lord) shall (< expects to) build His Highness’ school in Rong.” 1

壬子卜：子戠(待)，弜(勿)告(戎)既(率)于[丁]，若。一

Divined on Renzi: Our lord will wait; do not report that Rong is already under control to [His Highness], (for it) will be favorable. 1

壬子卜：子寢于(戎)，弜(勿)告于丁。 一

Divined on Renzi: Our lord houses in Rong; do not report it to His Highness. 1

壬子卜：子丙其作丁予(序)于(戎)。 一

Divined on Renzi: Our lord, on a Bing day, should build His Highness’ school in Rong. 1

壬子卜：子以婦好入于(戎) ，肇琡三。往 (縣) 一二

37

Divined on Renzi: Our lord will lead Lady Hao into Rong. Dispense (to her) three large jade tablets. Going to Xuan. 12

壬子卜：子以婦好入于(戎)。子呼多賈見于婦好，肇紤八 。 一

Divined on Renzi: Our lord will lead Lady Hao to enter into Rong. Our lord will call the Many Traders to have audience about/with Lady Hao, (and) dispense (to her) eight tapestries. 1

壬子卜：子以婦好入于(戎)，子呼多御(禦)正(征)見于婦好，肇紤十。往 (縣)。 一二三四五

Divined on Renzi: Our lord will lead Lady Hao to enter into Rong. Our lord will call the Many Defense Regulators to have audience about/with Lady Hao, (and) dispense (to her) ten tapestries. Going to Xuan. 12345

壬子卜：其將「妣庚」示，工(貢)于東官(館)。用。 一

81

Divined on Renzi: When carrying in (offerings) (to) [Ancestress Geng’s] altar, bestow them in the eastern guesthouse. Used. 1

壬子卜：其將妣庚示，工(貢)于東官(館)。用。一

490

Divined on Renzi: When carrying in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng’s altar, bestow them in the eastern guesthouse. Used. 1

Day 50/60

癸丑卜：其將妣庚[示]于(戎)東官(館)。用。 二

195

Divined on Guichou: Should carry in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng’s [altar] in Rong’s eastern guesthouse. Used. 2

乙卯，歲豭， 鬯祖乙。用。 一二三

On Yimao [day 52/60], sacrifice boars (and) offer aromatic ale (to) Ancestor Yi. Used. 123

癸丑卜：歲食牝于祖甲。用。 二

37

Divined on Guichou: Sacrifice feed cows to Ancestor Jia. Used. 2

乙卯，歲且(祖)乙豭， 鬯一。 一

On Yimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some boars (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 1

Day 51/60

甲寅卜：子逆外母(子)于帚(婦)好，若。 一二三

294

Divined on Jiayin: Our lord will meet (his) Aunt’s children at Lady Hao’s (location), (for it) will be favorable. 123

Day 52/60

乙卯卜：子丙速。不用。 一二

294

Divined Yimao: Our lord, on a Bing day, will invite (others). Not used. 12

乙卯卜：歲祖乙牢，子其自，弜(勿)速。用。 一二

Divined on Yimao: In sacrificing (to) Ancestor Yi some pen-raised cattle, our lord should do it himself; (he) ought not invite (anyone else). Used. 12

乙卯卜：惠白豕祖乙。不用。 一

37

Divined on Yimao: It should be white pigs (to) Ancestor Yi. Not used. 1

Day 57/60

庚申卜，貞：執死。 一二

294

Divined on Gengshen, tested: Shackled (prisoners) will die. 12

Day 59/60

壬戌卜：在 (戎) (葬)韋。用。 一

195

Divined on Renxu: At Rong, bury Wei. Used. 1

于襄 (葬)韋。不用。 一

In Xiang, bury Wei. Not used. 1

Day 06/60

己巳卜：[子]其告[ (戎)]既[ (率)]丁，若。 一

157

Divined on Jisi: [Our lord] should report (that) [Rong] [is] already [under control] (to) His Highness, (for it) will be favorable. 1

戠(待)，弜(勿)告。 一

Wait, do not report (it). 1

己巳卜：在 (戎)，庚不雨。子占曰：其雨。亡司(嗣)夕雨。用。 一

103

Divined on Jisi, at Rong: Geng day is not going to rain. Our lord read the crack and said, “It should rain; rain will not carry on into the evening.” Used. 1

己巳卜：在 (戎)，其雨。子占曰：今夕其雨，若。己雨其于翌庚亡司(嗣)。用。 一

Divined on Jisi, at Rong: It is likely to rain. Our lord read the crack and said, “If it rains this evening, (consider it) favorable. Ji day rain is not likely to carry on into the next day, Geng.” Used. 1

This synchrony has been reconstructed with divinations from twelve shells and centers around the event of “leading Lady Hao into Rong”. Divination records are arranged chronologically and span thirty-one days, from day 36/60 through day 6/60. Alternative reconstructions are possible, and it is also possible that more divination accounts can be included. A review of all the divination records including Rong and Fu*,[92] which are the two places that occur with the most frequency, reveals that diviners had a tendency to make divinations about Rong during the latter half of the week (days 6-10), and divinations about Fu* during the earlier half of the week (days 1-5).[93]

Events and plans that occur in the collated set of “Rong divinations” contrast quite drastically from events and plans that happened at other locations. Interpretations will surely vary, but I propose that the following events took place. Rong was taken by military force under the prince’s command and along with other royal family members and clansmen. There were prisoners and deaths. An ally of the prince, Wei 韋, appears to have died in action and his burial was planned. Once under control, the prince started to stay overnight in Rong. He made sacrificial offerings to his ancestors, and with an emphasis on offering rites for his deceased grandmother. A member of the royal family was sent by the prince to report to the king about the status and safety of clan members who participated, and about the construction of a school to be made in the king’s name. The prince took residence in Rong. Lady Hao, other family members, and an important ally (Zhong Zhou) were accompanied into Rong and received with an audience and ceremonial gifts by the prince, military personnel, and select members of the Many Servitors and the prince’s entourage. Ancestral spirit tablets were arranged in new places of worship and sacrificial offerings were made both with local and imported stock. Additional construction works were undertaken, and these included building and repairing guest residences, a tower, and an ancestral temple.[94]

Furthermore, a series of weather divinations (HYZ 103; Figure 8) was made at Rong and recorded in large calligraphy. This type of “display inscription” is uncommon in the Huayuanzhuang East divination records, although there was a tendency for scribes to write locative clauses—“at Place”, in handwriting that was larger than the other words in the same account. All of the divinations on the intact HYZ 103 were made on one day and the form in which the inscriptions were written reveal the importance of this location to the prince.

Fig. 8: Divinations about the weather in Rong (HYZ 103)

2.7The location of Rong

Late Shang and early Western Zhou bronze vessels inscribed with the name “Rong” are well attested,[95] and a cluster has been discovered near Mt. Cang 蒼山in southern Shandong.[96] This does not mean that Rong in the Huayuanzhuang East divination accounts was here, but it does provide a conceivable starting point. The divinations about where to bury Wei in Table 4 (HYZ 195) suggest that Xiang 襄was not far from Rong, and based on Eastern Zhou geography Xiang might have been located in the area of modern day Puyang, Shandong.[97] Ge 割(葛) is another place with a possible southwest Shandong connection.[98] Bronzes inscribed with this name were discovered in a late Shang-early Western Zhou cemetery in Yanzhou, Shandong.[99]

Even though the evidence presented above suggests that Rong and a couple other places might have been located in the east, that is, east of Anyang in Shandong province, there is just as much evidence, if not more, that Rong was in fact in Henan province, to the west of Anyang, and in the area of Wenxian 溫縣, Qinyang 沁陽, and Xiuwu 修武. A starting point is the place called Qin , which almost certainly is to be associated with the Qin River 沁水.[100] Secondly, are the numerous divinations and notations concerning war with Shao 召.[101] The Shao territory was located west of Shang and in the area between Jiyuan, Henan 河南濟源 and Yuanqu, Shanxi 山西垣曲.[102] Thirdly, there are many references to the main character at a place called You 柚 (=Xun 鄩), which according to Eastern Zhou sources was located not far from Wenxian,[103] in addition to him being at several other places in southwestern Shanxi, most notably Tang 唐.[104] HYZ 36 records “entering Shang” and “being at You 柚”, and this not only implies the two places were close in distance, but also suggests that a western border of Shang was in the vicinity of Wenxian.[105] Although a more detailed study is needed, I take the position here that Rong was to the west of Anyang and in this general area.

2.8The prince’s age

There are two competing theories about the prince’s age. The first takes account of his repeated illnesses and proposes that he had already reached middle age. The second focuses on the habitual rate of divinations about “practicing/training” (xue 學) and suggests that he was between the ages of 15 and 20. Nevertheless “practicing” in advance of a performance does not imply age, and besides, xue 學also meant to instruct.[106] The prince had several children, played a lead role in ancestor worship,[107] issued commands to other royal family members and to military personnel, had strong relationships with elite lineages, and his access to abundant imports, commodities, and large numbers of livestock and horses. These all suggest he was older than a teenager.

2.9Ding 丁

A man called Ding, with his name written (丁), was the person who interacted the most intensely with the prince. Occurring over 200 times, this figure possessed entitlements that hitherto have only been associated with Shang kings. He was said to be in the royal domain, decided who would take part in a military expedition against Shao, issued commands to the prince, and was the only one with the status to host (bin 賓) the most important ritual events for the high Shang ancestors. He allocated to the prince control items like prisoners from different camps and special grain reserved for ancestor worship. Conversely, Ding was the main outlet for the prince’s upward flow of export tribute and the main recipient of his contributions, the person to whom the prince reported, and the recipient of repeated invitations to feast and drink and to watch music and dance performances.

Two points emphasized earlier clinch the fact that Ding was the king:

1)

Ding was often paired with Lady Hao, who was one of Wu Ding’s spouses. Lady Hao was specifically referred to as his wife.

2)

The synchronization of a series of war divinations against Shao (Table 2).

2.9.1The meaning of the appellation Ding (丁)

A man named Ding occurs in royal family divinations and in Wu Ding’s divinations in reference to men from other lineages, but prior to this discovery its meaning and context was unclear. The interchange of the appellations Ding 丁 “His Highness” and Wang 王 “king” in Table 2 confirms that, in this case, both referred to Wu Ding. (An interchange of “His Highness” and “king” also occurs in the same divination account (HYZ 480).) The word “king” 王occurs twice as an independent word in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations. It also appears in a ligature fused with “Lady 婦” as a designation for the “Majestic Lady” Hao 王婦好, who was also called “His Highness’ Lady” (Ding fu 丁婦). Here I address what meant as the designation for a living man and what word the graph wrote. To date there are four interpretations and none have garnered a general acceptance.

1)

Ding was a birth day.

2)

The “Yi-Ding system” hypothesis.

3)

wrote the word bi 璧 “disc, circlet”, used as rebus for pi 辟 “lord”.

4)

Ding was phonetic loan and substitution for di 帝 “g-d; eldest son of the direct line of the royal lineage”.

2.9.2Ding as a birth day and the “Yi-Ding” hypothesis

The simplest yet most deceptive interpretation is that was the same word as day four of the ten-day week. [108] The graph occurs most frequently in the Huayuanzhuang East accounts in the following usages: 1) as day four of the ten-day week; 2) as day four of the ten-day week and in combination with a kin designation to form a temple or day name (miaohao 廟號/riming 日名) for ancestors; 3) as the name of a living man.

Shang ancestor names usually consist of two parts: a kin designation such as ancestor, father, mother, elder brother, plus a tiangan, which was one of the ten celestial signs that formed the “trunk” of the calendrical system.[109] Prior to the discovery and study of Shang oracle bones at the beginning of the 20th century, a popular interpretation followed Ban Gu’s (32-92 AD) statement that Shang people were given posthumous day-names corresponding to the tiangan day of the week on which they were born.[110] Dong Zuobin (1895-1963), who was one of the first scholars with access to these primary sources, suggested the converse, namely that these designations were days that corresponded with death days rather than birth days.[111]

K.C. Chang (1931-2001), unconvinced with either the birth or death day interpretation, proposed a new interpretation based on the uneven distribution and apparent popularity of certain days in ancestor names versus others. His statistical analysis of Shang period bronze inscriptions strikingly revealed that 86% were even-numbered. Because of its sheer originality, it is worthwhile to cite here Chang’s “Yi-Ding system” (乙丁制) hypothesis,

All of these hypotheses are based on the principle that association of an individual with a day-sign was an accident—the accident of birth, death, or other life event…The fact of the matter is that this association cannot have been based on such accidental associations. If it had been, the occurrence of the ten day-signs in a population would show a statistical randomness. But in fact it is anything but random…It is clear that from the above that the naming of the Shang kings (and heir spouses and their subjects) was not based on such accidental events as the birth day, the death day, or the order of ascension. My hypothesis is that the royal lineages were organized into ten ritual units, named after the ten gan-signs (day-signs). Kings were selected from various units and were named posthumously according to their day-sign units, which also regulated the rituals performed to them.[112]

Explaining the king as a “ding” unit male seemed plausible and it was an appealing alternative to the birth/ death day interpretation in its time. There are however recognizable problems with it and it is simply no longer viable.[113] First, the organization of Shang royal society into ten ritual units regulated by the ten gan-signs and overseen by a group of elders is completely without supporting evidence. Second, if kings were selected from various units that alternated with each successor to the throne, then our knowledge of the Shang king list as it is recorded in traditional historiographical works like the “Annals of Yin” in the Shiji would be much harder to understand. For example, it would be impossible to know what the relationship was, if there was any at all, between kings and their heirs. Thirdly, Shang period bronze inscriptions record a husband and wife as having the same day-name. [114] This upsets one of the basic foundations in Chang’s theory, namely that “ritually recognized spouses did not have the same gan-signs as their husbands.”[115]

K.C. Chang’s conclusion is nevertheless useful to invalidate the birth/ death day interpretation. The disproportionate balance that 8.6 out of 10 of the ancestor designations on Shang bronze inscriptions are even-numbered days makes either statistically unbelievable.

The most convincing explanation of Shang day-names is Li Xueqin’s theory that the Shang divined their temple-names at death (or just before).[116] Li proved this beyond the question of a doubt in his 1957 review of Chen Mengjia’s Yinxu buci zongshu by collating and reconstructing a set of funerary divinations about the death of king Zu Geng’s queen. The synchrony reveals that upon her death the queen was given a day-name (gui 癸), which corresponded to the day she began to receive sacrificial worship.[117] Divination decided temple days and selection was subjectively motivated by preference.

2.9.3Ding 丁as substitution for di 帝 “g-d; heir of the direct line of the royal lineage”

Qiu Xigui, based on earlier work by Shima Kunio, suggests “there was a good chance” that the graph ding 丁was used as a substitute to write the word di 帝.[118] (帝is the ancestral form of di 蒂 “base and receptacle of a plant or flower”.[119]) In the oracle bone inscriptions di 帝has three generally accepted meanings: 1) as the name for the highest power in the Shang pantheon of deities; 2) as an honorific and posthumous designation for deceased kings of the trunk lineage used in combination with a tiangan (like Di Jia 帝甲 and Fu Yi di 父乙帝); and 3) as a verb, read di 禘, which according to later ritual literature was performed in the summer once every five years and only to the supreme progenitor of the royal line.[120] Against this, Qiu suggests di 帝 was also a designation for the living and proposes that ding 丁was used as a phonetic substitution in order to prevent confusion with its meaning as a deity and as a posthumous title. Qiu then associates di 帝to its cognate di 嫡 “heir”. Even though the graph di 嫡does not occur in Shang script, Qiu cites one oracle bone divination (Heji 30390) to support that it was originally written with the graph di 帝.[121]

Several notable scholars have since accepted this interpretation, [122] but there are reasons to question it. The first is the uncertain assumption that di 帝 could refer to the living, since it conflicts with traditional definitions:[123]

天子崩…卒葬曰帝。

When the Son of Heaven dies…finished burial (he) is called di.[124]

君天下曰天子…措之廟立之主曰帝。

When (the king) is lord over the sub-celestial realm (he) is called the Son of Heaven…having erected his temple and set up his spirit altar (or: spirit tablet), (he) is called di 帝.[125]

The term wang di 王帝occurs in Shang oracle bone inscriptions and Hu Houxuan and others, including Qiu himself, explain it as meaning the deceased father of the reigning king.[126] Di 帝also occurs in isolation and in reference to the king’s deceased father.[127] In Western Zhou bronze inscriptions di 帝 and its variants 啻 and occur in ancestor designations like chi/di kao 啻/帝考and di mu 帝母,[128] and in each case, these terms referred to a deceased ancestor but never to a living person.[129] In addition, the fact that the graph di 帝was used to write compounds severely weakens the notion that it was restricted in any sense and needed to be substituted.[130]

Two oracle bone divinations from the He 何-diviner group contain both the graphs ding and di 帝. This straightforward evidence seems to prove that these two graphs wrote different words and were not interchangeable.

(26)

丁丑卜，暊貞：其示(?) 宗門，告帝甲暨帝丁，受左. Jiyi 548

Divined on Dingchou, Fu tested: When handing over (unstated object) (at) the gate of Ancestral Temple, making announcement to Di Jia together with Di Ding will receive disapproval.

(27)

卜，暊貞：帝于，其牢。Xubian 2.18.9

Divined, Fu tested: Di-sacrificing at , should make it pen-raised cattle.

Di Jia and Di Ding were posthumous designations used by king Kang Ding (K31) for his father Zu Jia (K29) and his grandfather Wu Ding (K27). Example (26) makes it clear that di 帝was an appellation for deceased kings of the trunk line and that meant something else. In example (27), both di 帝and occur again together. Di 帝is clearly a verb and is either a place or the name of the recipient. I return to discuss the phrase “ 宗” in (26) later, and all I will say here is that there is no reason to read it as a substitution for Di zong 帝/嫡宗 “ancestral temple of the heir of the trunk line”.[131]

The graph Shima reads as “ding 丁” in example (27) and suggests was a loan for di 帝 “G-d” is almost certainly incorrect. In fact, of the thirty-six examples adduced by Shima there is not one that does not make sense read either as the day of the week “Ding”, and as a reference to the deceased Wu Ding or to another Ding-day ancestor, or not as ding 丁at all, but as the ancestral form of another word, beng 祊 “temple” (from fang 方 “square”).[132] (Later definitions of beng as a verb say that it means to make ritual offerings at a temple or just outside of its gate.)

The verb-noun phrase “即” in the following divination sequence is a proposed alternative to “即宗” (approach the ancestral temple), and proves beyond the reason of a doubt that also wrote the word beng 祊:

(28)

(禱)，即宗。

Heji 34372 [Li II]

(禱)，即于上甲。

(禱)，一牛。

(禱)，二牛。

(禱)，三牛。

Praying, approach the ancestral temple.

Praying, approach the , coming to Shang Jia.

Praying, (make it) one head of cattle.

Praying, (make it) two head of cattle.

Praying, (make it) three head of cattle.

The recipient of the prayer is clearly stated to be Shang Jia (K1), and this invalidates that should be read di 帝 “G-d”. While there is still debate about when to read as beng 祊 and when to read it as ding 丁, there is a lack of compelling evidence to read it as a loan and graphic substitute for di 帝.

In summary, Qiu’s hypothesis rests predominantly on dubious examples once adduced by Shima Kunio to argue that the graph ding 丁was used as a phonetic loan and graphic substitute for di 帝 (both as a noun and as a verb). (Shima’s argument was that the Shang used 丁 to write 帝 “G-d” and that Ding was the precursor to the Zhou’s tian 天 “G-d in Heaven”.) The problem with reading ding 丁 as di 帝is establishing a starting point to demonstrate this exchange. It remains possible that the Shang used the graph di 帝to write the word di 嫡 “heir”, but there is no proof that the graph ding 丁was a loan to write the word di 帝, nor any that the graph di 帝was somehow restricted for use. Qiu’s hypothesis is conceivable but unconvincing due to a lack of evidence to support it.

2.9.4is the ancestral form of bi 璧 “jade circlet”, read as a phonetic loan for the word pi 辟 “ruler”

Li Xueqin has proposed that as the name of a living person was not the graph 丁 but rather the ancestral form of bi 璧 “jade circlet”, and suggests to read it as a phonetic loan for the word pi 辟 “ruler”.[133] This interpretation can easily be tested as both the words bi 璧and pi 辟occur in the Huayuanzhuang East lexicon. The following divinations from HYZ 275 (Figure 9) and HYZ 490 (Figure 10) confirm this interpretation is incorrect.

Fig. 9: HYZ 275

乙亥卜：其呼多賈見(丁) ，侃。一

呼多賈眔 (辟)， (丁)侃。一 [pictured]

Divined on Yihai: If calling the Many Traders to see Ding (His Highness), (it) will bring happiness. 1

Calling the Many Traders together with subordinates, Ding (His Highness) will be happy. 1

Fig. 10: HYZ 490

己卯，子見(獻) 以圭眔厚璧(丁)。用。一二三

On Jimao, Zi (Our lord) will present pointed jade tablets brought in by You together with thick serrated jade circlets (to) Ding (His Highness). Used. 123

Divinations on HYZ 275 were made in preparation for Ding’s arrival to the prince’s location and were propositions about who would participate and what items would be presented to him. The conjunction ta 眔in the second divination connects nouns and this means that both the “Many Traders” and “pi 辟” served the prince. The occurrence of pi 辟in this context confirms that the word had yet to acquire its later meaning of “rule, ruler” and therefore invalidates Li’s argument. Huayuanzhuang East scribes wrote pi 辟 with the components 卩and 辛 but without “non-serrated jade circlet”. Immediately under pi 辟in Figure 9 is , and these graphs next to each other is the best evidence to illustrate that wrote a different word.

Divinations on HYZ 490 concern what jades to contribute to the king, with some being from a recent delivery. 璧 “jade circlet” is written in this instance with the pictograph and its shape illustrates that it was of the serrated kind. The other type of jade circlet in the prince’s stock was a non-serrated circlet. “Serrated jade circlet” was written elsewhere as a pure pictograph (HYZ 180.3) and does not include the element 辛 like it does here. Immediately to right of bi 璧 is , and this further proves that the latter wrote a different word altogether.

2.9.5A new interpretation: Ding 丁as “crown of the head”, “Head”

Ding (丁) is a pictograph of a nail(head) (ding 釘). [134] The earliest graphic forms, like (oracle bone (Jiabian 2329)) and (oracle bone (Yibian 9083)), depict a top profile, while later forms, like (Warring States brush and ink (Baoshan, strip 4)) and (Warring States seal from the state of Yan 燕), evolved to depict a side profile. Graphic semblance and phonetic congruity led to it being used to represent the “forehead” (ding 定(>顁)) and “crown/top of the head” (ding 頂/dian 顛), since a top profile of the nailhead resembled the shape of a person’s head and a side profile of the nail resembled the shape of a person’s head and neck.[135]

Ding 丁 is phono-semantic in tian 天 “crown of the head”, which in Shang-Western Zhou script was written (oracle bone (Heji 17985)) and (Early Western Zhou bronze (Tianwang gui 天亡簋)),[136] and both words are etymologically related to other words that mean forehead/ crown of the head, and by extension, the top. Tian 天in its primary sense first occurs in illness divinations from the Shi diviner group 師組 (in the so-called large or “fat” script), who were the earliest organization of Shang oracle bone divination specialists at Anyang.[137] In the following example (Figure 11), king Wu Ding himself made a divination about illness to the crown of his head,

Fig. 11: Heji 20975

庚辰[卜]，王：弗疾朕天。

[Divined] on Gengyin, His Majesty: The crown of my head will not be sickened.[138]

Perhaps the most cited instance of tian meaning “forehead” in Classical Chinese occurs in the line statements of hexagram Kui 睽 “Cross-eyed” in the Yijing,

六三：其人天且鼻(劓)。

Six in the Third: Its man with a (branded) forehead and a clipped nose.

Ding (丁) as representing the crown of the head also occurs in an early spelling of the word mian 娩 “give birth”, which in Shang script was written in two ways: and . The second form adds 丁 and depicts the crown of the child’s head. [139] Another example is 子 “child”, written in early script as . The shape of the child’s head in the writing of zi and ding in the writing of mian match.

As an appellation for a living person, the etymological relationship between ding 丁(頂), ding 顁, dian 顛, and tian 天 suggests it meant crown of the head, and by extension, Head and top male. Warring States and Han script continued to use both ding 丁 and 釘 to write ding 頂 “crown of the head”,[140] and lexical wordbooks from this period like the Erya 爾雅 contain definitions for fish anatomy like “The fish’s pillow, call it ‘ding’” 魚枕謂之丁, which is a evident play on image archetypes. The tiangan designations Ding (day 4/10), Yi 乙 (day 2/10), and Bing 丙 (day 3/10) used to define parts of a fish—the tail, intestines, and head—appear to have derived by matching the shape of the graph to the part of the fish it resembled.[141] The bone of a fish’s head was called “ding” because the same sound also meant top of the head, and because the graph’s “image” resembled it.

In translation, I use “His Highness” when 丁 referred to the Shang king, and “Head” or “Chief” when it referred to leaders of other lineages or groups of men. The advantage of this new reading is that it can be applied to the top male of a group irrespective of pedigree. Reading ding 丁 as di 帝and explaining it as the eldest son of the direct line of the royal lineage (嫡) implies that it was restricted for use by anyone other than the kings. Yet ding 丁also occurred in oracle bone divinations made on behalf of the kings in reference to the Head of other lineages and groups of people.

Below are eight instances where 丁 occurs in combination with ren 人 “person”, and after a lineage name or the name of a group of people:

Huang Yin ding ren 黃尹丁人

(Heji 3096-3099)

Huang ding ren 黃丁人

(Heji 22)

Yi ding ren 伊丁人

(Heji 32803rv, Minghou 明後B2442)

Shan ding ren 單丁人

(Heji 137)

Meng ding ren 夢丁人

(Heji 32212, Yingcang 2428)

Qi ding ren 祈丁人

(Heji 13720)

Zhi ding ren 彘丁人

(Yibian 8893)

Yi ding ren 夷丁人

(Heji 6476)

In each of these instances the word preceding 丁is the name of a lineage or a collective term for a territorial group. The names Huang Yin/Huang/Yi referred to a single lineage.[142] Reading 丁as “Head” or the top male of X-lineage/X-coalition is suitable in every instance. 人 “person” either meant a person or people of the Head of X-lineage, or it was a measure word for 丁. (Heji 6476 writes it as a ligature .)

Perhaps the most informative example of 丁 with this meaning occurs on Heji 3096 (Figure 12):

Fig. 12: Heji 3096

丙午卜，貞：黃尹丁人不 (殙)，在丁家又(有)子。Heji 3096

[Bin III]

Divined on Bingwu, tested: Yu, a female of the Huang-Yin chief, is not going to die suddenly; at the Head’s house there will be a child.

The word 丁 in this divination undoubtedly had the same meaning as it does in isolation and in reference to a living person in the Huayuanzhuang East divination records. The reason Ding occurs in isolation in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations is because the patron and Ding were family; a lineage name in front of it would have been redundant and unnecessary. Hypothetically speaking, when other lineages referred to Wu Ding they probably referred to him as wang “king” if they were under his mandate, but conceivably could also have called him “Royal lineage name/ name of territory (Shang 商) + Ding 丁”. As with the appellation Zi 子, 丁 was clearly not restricted for use amongst the Shang royal family. Oracle bone inscriptions mention a group of the Huang lineage called “黃多子” (Huang’s Many Sons > Family Heads (Heji 3255)), and this corresponds with “黃丁” (Huang’s “Head”) and “黃尹丁” (Huang-Yin’s “Head”) in the list above.[143] The lineage structure of Huang with a top male as “Head” and many adult children as family heads 子is precisely the situation that we see in the Huayuanzhuang East divination records—the main subject in the divinations was a family head and one of Shang’s “Many Children” 多子, and “Ding” 丁was the designation for the head male.

The phrase “Ding’s house” 丁家 in Figure 12 was apparently an abbreviation of “Huang-Yin Head’s house” 黃尹丁家, and it is parallel with the phrase “ ancestral temple” mentioned earlier. In addition, the noun phrases “Ding’s school” 丁序 (HYZ 294.1) and “Ding’s guesthouse” 丁館 (HYZ 384) occur in the Huayuanzhuang East divination records and undoubtedly were named after the living Shang king Wu Ding. A comparison with these terms suggests that “ ancestral temple” meant the ancestral temple of the lineage’s top male. In Jiyi 548 this would have been the Shang king Kang Ding 康丁 (K31), Wu Ding’s grandson.[144]

In summary, Ding 丁 meant “Head”, or as I translate it in these royal family divinations “His Highness”, when it was used as an appellation for a living person. Wen Yiduo’s proposal to read ding as an abbreviated spelling of tian 天is an appealing interpretation. Tian in the Shang language of Wu Ding’s period was used in its primary sense, as a noun meaning “crown of the head” or “forehead”, and this usage is attested in received Classical literature. It first occurred as a modifier, synonymous with da 大 “big”, for deceased ancestors in royal family inscriptions that also date to Wu Ding’s period. Later descriptions of the great settlement at Anyang from accounts that date towards the end of the Shang continued to use it in this way. It was not until the Western Zhou period that tian 天took on a derivative meaning of the “sky” (< what is at the top) and became deified (Heaven). However, Western Zhou language did continue to use a word written with the graph ding 丁to designate the Head of a lineage or a group of people.[145] It was not a word confined or restricted for use solely by the royal family in reference to the kings. As for the exchange of ding 丁 and wang 王 that appears in HYZ 480, it is comparable to the substitution between tianzi 天子 “Son of Heaven” and wang 王 “King” that occurs throughout Western Zhou bronze inscriptions.[146]

2.10Other people:
family members and staff

2.10.1Lady Hao 婦好

As I stated earlier, naming conventions alone underscore that Lady Hao was the king’s spouse and the main character’s mother. Throughout these divination accounts she was alive and well.

While contact and communication between the prince and his mother the queen appears to have been less frequent than it was between the prince and his father the king, the divination records attest to them having a close and caring relationship. Hao often spoke directly with her son, and on occasion relayed messages, some of the personal kind, between him and her husband (331, 290, 286). The prince, in turn, made announcements on specific topics to her (211, 3, 220, 371). He personally led Hao into his new stronghold at Rong and welcomed her with a large-scale gift offering and ceremony that included attendance and presentations by military officers, personnel, and staff. He also accompanied her, at the king’s command, to plant wheat (475), and met with guests who came to see her (294, 409, 492). These examples indicate a concern for her well-being and security.

Gifts and tribute from the prince to Lady Hao differ from what the prince gave the king. Whereas the prince presented the latter with aromatic ale, salt, a variety of colored jades (for instance thick and serrated circlets, and tablets of various shapes and sizes) and gems (beads), ear ornaments, cowries, meat and fish, sanctified meat, and sent in livestock, tools, and weapons, Hao was given textiles like imported patterned belts (451), tapestries, and dagger-axe tassels (288). The prince only ever presented her with one kind of jade (chu 琡 “large jade tablet”).

Hao, at least on one occasion, was responsible for overseeing the importation of Qiang 羌 people (220, 265, 215). Of these three instances, the information on HYZ 215 is the most valuable, for it confirms that the process was documented.

2.10.2Zi Rong’s family and household

The divination records mention the prince’s spouse and children. His spouse was referred to both as “our lord’s spouse” (Zi pei 子配(妃)) and “spouse” (配(妃)), but she rarely occurred in the divinations (six instances on three shells).[147] As far as the divination records show, her main responsibility was to meet with Lady Hao, her mother-in-law. One sequence of divinations proposed to dispatch and task her, in substitution for her husband, with requesting millet for sacrificial rites (379); on another occasion, she reported an affair related to textile production (220.6).

The prince appears to have had four children. They were referred to as “big son” (da zi 大子) (480.3), “middle son” (zhong zi 中(仲)子) (349.10), “small son” (xiao zi 小子) (353.2), and “third small son” (san xiao zi 三小子) (205.5). Each was mentioned just once. Both the eldest and youngest sons took part in ritual activities (480.3, 353.2). The existence of four children produces a question. Where was the second small son? The hypothesis proposed here is that he was dead and the juvenile spirit called Child Gui (zi Gui 子癸).

2.10.3The “Many Princes”: Brothers and Cousins

It is difficult to determine whether the people called by the formula “zi 子 + name” were the prince’s brothers (and in one case (290.10) perhaps a sister), cousins, or conceivably even children and nephews. Zi Hua 畫, Zi Pou 剖, Zi Yu 予, Zi Zeng 曾, Zi Guo 馘, Zi Bi 髀, Zi Mei 媚, Zi Sheng 升, Zi Hu , Zi Xing 興, and Zi Jin 金, in addition to the main character, Zi Rong, form the group referred to in these divination accounts as the “Many Princes” (duo Zi 多子) (430.1). Jin and Xing appear to have been younger than the main character,[148] while Pou, Hua, and Yu seem to have been of the same generation as him. There is not enough information about the others to make an evaluation. The issuing of directives and warnings to the others and taking a lead role in communal ritual action (invocations) for ancestor worship suggest that Zi Rong had the highest status amongst the group.

The roles and circumstances of the “Many Princes” in Zi Rong’s divinations can be summarized as:

Hua was mostly concerned with business and procuring horses (288.5↔493.1), and he had a relationship with people from the (enemy) Shao territory (as suggested from the name of his aide). He was the only person whom Zi Rong chose to substitute him in ritual activities (ale libation; 416.6), and this suggests that his status was the highest amongst the other royal males of his generation.

Hua (449.3), Pou (449.4), and Yu (237.12-13) participated in sacrificial and offering rites to near Ancestors as part of Zi Rong’s ancestor worship. The context of these divinations suggests that the four men were cousins.

Pou was present for Zi Rong’s divinations about his tinnitus (450.1), and he had the authority to handle affairs in the absence of Zi Rong (370.1).

Zeng accompanied Zi Rong in battle and was entrusted by him to report about it to the king (294).

Hu was associated with music and zither performances (130), and Bi with dance (380, 336.1).

Xing (illness) and Guo (injury) were only ever mentioned because Zi Rong needed to perform exorcism rites for their recovery.

There is not enough information to say anything substantial about Zi Mei and Zi Sheng.

Statistics indicate that, amongst the group of the “Many Princes”, Jin (39 instances) had the closest relationship with Zi Rong. At the very least, he received more divinatory attention that the others. Based on the frequency by which Jin occurred both as a diviner and as the subject of divinations, he seems to have been either living in the prince’s household or nearby to him. Zi Rong was often concerned about his well-being, and from time to time Jin made guest appearances as a diviner. Like Zi Rong’s spouse, Jin also went to request millet from Lady Hao (218.1-2), and this perhaps implies that he was also a son of Lady Hao and Wu Ding. At the same time, he was conspicuously never present for ancestor worship, or for ceremonies that involved high-level gift giving and feasting. His role appears to have been mostly confined to family and household tasks.

A noteworthy feature of divination records where Jin was the subject is that charge statements appear to either have been intentionally omitted or abbreviated (2.3-4, 75.7, 80.2, 90.8, 140.2, etc.). There is one instance, however, where corresponding dates from a reconstructed multiple-shell sequence provides an important clue about the information which the diviners and scribes usually left out,

丁亥卜：

子(金)其(往)，亡巛(災)。一

247.14 [plastron]

丁亥卜：

子(金)。一

55.1 [carapace]

Divined on Dinghai: If lord Jin goes off, there will be no calamity. 1

Divined on Dinghai: Lord Jin. 1

Rejoining these two records suggests that 247 was used before 55. This is because the former divination account contains a grammatically coherent charge statement and the latter does not.[149] An example like this demonstrates how diviners and scribes abbreviated or omitted subsequent divinations in a set where a complete or more contextualized “antecedent” account had already been stated (and recorded). Diviners and the scribes who worked collaboratively with them must have known exactly what abbreviated charge statements like these meant. Linking these two accounts together further recommends that the other accounts about Jin in this abridged formula also concerned his well-being.

2.10.4Staff

A difference between the Huayuanzhuang East divination accounts and those made by and for other members of the royal family aside from the kings was the size of Zi Rong’s staff. Staff and attendants who reported to and took orders from the main character can be divided into groups of people whose titles were preceded and modified by the word duo 多 “many”: duo chen 多臣 “Many Servitors” were staff and attendants who handled daily affairs; duo gu 多賈 “Many Traders” handled stock, appraisals, and the supply of goods; duo yu 多御(禦)正 (征) “Many Defense Regulators” were military personnel (37.22, 63.2; two instances); duo yin 多尹 “Many Commanders” were administrators, but also participated in hunting and sent in goods (113, 355; six instances); duo wan 多万 “Many Dancers” were associated with music and dance (206, 226; two instances); and duo gong 多工 “Many Artisans” (duo gong 多工) were skilled workers (324; one instance).

These groups were not under the sole authority of the Huayuanzhuang East prince, but rather appear to have been specialists and staff who served the royal family and were under the command of the king and family heads. The “Many Servitors” (401), for instance, was comprised of the prince’s servitors—“(Our) lord’s servitors” 子臣 (290), and the king’s servitors—“(His) Highness’ servitors” 丁臣 (75). A group associated with the Many Servitors, called the duo jie chen 多丯(介)臣 “Many Great Servitors” (275 + 517), might be understood as a select group of the best ones. On one occasion, for which diviners used a three-shell set, Zi Rong performed an exorcism rite to ensure the protection of the group as a collective whole (53.21↔181.8↔488.3).

The most trusted members of the prince’s staff were Fa 發, Da 大, You You 由友, and Ji Nai 乃, but also included Suo* , Xi* , Dao 盜, Zhi 旨 and others. Staff were called on to undertake tasks related to divination, preparing and providing food and drinks (139, 178↔376), feasting and banquet preparation and service, procuring commodities and human capital, delivering animals (85, 113), killing animals, ritual presentation and gift-giving to the king and Lady Hao (63, 475, 480), the hunt (416), the prince’s transportation, and entertainment. On one occasion, Da fell ill and the prince performed an exorcism for his recovery (299, 76↔478).

Wei 微 is a rather unique figure in the divinations. The prince once dispatched him west on a mission, and he had a personal audience with Lady Hao. One particular divination account (290) implies that Wei was appointed by the king to safeguard his son, and indicates he was not considered one of the prince’s servitors. Like he did for Da’s sickness, Zi Rong performed exorcism rites for ailments to Wei’s eye(s) and shoulder.

The word gu 賈, which is cognate with jia 價, means “trade”, “appraise”, and “price”. The graph is spelled with a cowrie and this suggests an association with currency and exchange. Later sources state that specialist gu 賈were present for ritual events and official visits, especially for the exchange of gifts, in order to oversee the items to be given and to inspect the value of the goods in return.[150] Traders in the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions had a comparable role (37, 275, 290), although the most important services that they rendered to the prince concerned the supply of goods and the horse trade. The only traders mentioned by name were Zhu 壴 and Bing 並 (249.19). Trader Zhu is known from Wu Ding’s divination records and was mentioned earlier.

Table 5: People in the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions (selection) [151]

Translation

Conventions and Symbols

Transcription of the Huayuanzhuang East inscriptions is based primarily on ZSKY 2003 and Yao Xuan 2005 (2006), with corrections by Sun Yabing 2014.

Text and translation for each inscribed oracle bone piece is arranged consecutively, and the numbers for each piece and each divination account follow their listing in the six-volume ZSKY 2003 publication. Any reordering of divination accounts continues to use the ZSKY 2003 sequence numbers. The abbreviation HYZ before each piece number stands for HuaYuanZhuang 花園莊. A single piece with writing on both the recto and verso sides is listed sequentially but with two different catalog numbers in ZSKY 2003. (The excavation numbers for instances like these however are the same and differentiated by the letters r (recto) and v (verso); see Appendix I.) My edition arranges instances like these together and uses a hyphen in between the catalog numbers in order to indicate that two individual catalog numbers are the recto and verso sides of a single piece. The first occurrence in the translation is HYZ 19-20.

Each individual inscription is first provided in modern Chinese transcription and then followed by an English translation:

Chinese transcription:

甲卜丁令 一

English translation:

Divined on Jia: His Highness will issue a command. 1

Chinese transcription:

壬申卜既乎(呼)食子其(往)田用 一二

English translation:

Divined on Renshen: After calling to eat, our lord should go hunt. Used. 12

Only text in translation is punctuated, and the punctuation used in the translation informs the reader about I understand the language of the primary text. Citations of inscriptions and excavated texts in the commentary, however, are punctuated and presented in a loose transcription style, which means that loans and modern equivalents are usually left unmarked. In both the transcription and translation, numbers in subscript usually refer to the number of a crack; no commas are placed in between these numbers. In the second example above, the numbers 12 in subscript mean that two cracks were made for this single divination statement. Although “crack numbers” were engraved next to their associated crack on the shell/bone, it is standard transcription practice to render these numbers at the end of a divination account.

Dates in the translation are not marked with corresponding numerical equivalents; for instance, the day “Jiazi” 甲子 is not marked with [1/60] after it. A sixty-day calendar is provided for reference.

Graphs, words, and phrases are explained in the commentary at their first occurrence.

Appendix I lists raw data for each inscribed piece. Appendix II lists synchronies, parallel content, and links between individual pieces.

SYMBOLS

more than one graph missing (in transcription)

□

one graph missing (in transcription)

…

text missing (in translation)

[ ]

reconstructed

( )

read as

=

equals

≈

glossed

/

or

>

yields

<

derived from

< >

error for

║

separating divination accounts on the same bone

*

tentative reading

↔

synchronized with

Table 6: Sixty-day ganzhi cycle

HYZ 1

1.1

壬卜
Divined on Ren …

1.2

癸卜又(有) 一
Divined on Gui...have... 1

1.3

癸卜 一
Divined on Gui…1

1.4

癸卜 一
Divined on Gui…1

1.5

癸卜 一
Divined on Gui: Announce by written record[1]…1

1.6

癸卜 二
Divined on Gui…2

1.7

甲卜丁令 一
Divined on Jia: His Highness will issue a command. 1

1.8

甲卜其匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Jia: Should[2]…Ancestress Geng. 1

1.9

子□立□行 二
…our lord…takes a position[3]…road.[4] 2

1.10

弜(勿)立 二
Do not[5] take a position…2

1.11

一_1

1.12

子其
…our lord should…

1.13

卯三□
…butcher[6] three…

1.14

一_1

1.15

一_1

HYZ 2

2.1

戊子卜才(在) 子其射若 一
Divined on Wuzi, at Lu:[7] If our lord shoots with bow and arrow, (it) will be favorable.[8] 1

2.2

戊子卜才(在) 子弜(勿)射于之若 一
Divined on Wuzi, at Lu: Our lord ought not shoot with bow and arrow, (for) in that will be favorable.[9] 1

2.3

友貞子(金) 一
You[10] tested:[11] (about) Lord Jin.[12] 1

2.4

友貞子(金) 一
You tested: (about) Lord Jin.[13] 1

HYZ 3

3.1

丙卜又(有)由(怞)女子其告于帚(婦)好若 一
Divined on Bing: Wu*[14] has unhappy women.[15] If our lord reports (it) to Lady Hao, (it) will be favorable. 1

3.2

[丙]卜丁不(延) (虞) 一
Divined on [Bing]: His Highness will not continue to be upset.[16] 1

3.3

丁(延) (虞) 一
His Highness will continue to be upset. 1

3.4

丁不(延) (虞) 一
His Highness will not continue to be upset. 1

3.5

歲匕(妣)庚牡 一
Sacrifice[17] (to) Ancestress Geng (some) bulls. 1

3.6

己卜叀(惠)豕于匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Ji: It should be pigs to Ancestress Geng. 2

3.7

己卜叀(惠)牝于匕(妣)庚 三
Divined on Ji: It should be cows to Ancestress Geng. 3

3.8

庚卜五日子馘(瘳) 一
Divined on Geng: In five days, lord Guo[18] will recover.[19] 1

3.9

庚卜弜(勿) (禦)子馘(瘳) 一
Divined on Geng: Do not make an exorcism, lord Guo will recover. 1

3.10

辛卜貞(往) (玄鳥)疾不死 一
Divined on Xin, tested:[20] Going[21] to Dark Bird,[22] the sick are not going to die. 1

3.11

辛卜子弗(艱) 一
Divined on Xin: Our lord will not be afflicted by it.[23] 1

3.12

壬卜于乙(延)休丁 一
Divined on Ren: By day Yi continue to rest (with) His Highness.[24] 1

3.13

壬卜子其(延)休 二
Divined on Ren: Our lord should continue to rest. 2

3.14

壬卜子其(往)田丁不(虞) 一
Divined on Ren: If our lord goes to hunt, His Highness will not be upset. 1

3.15

壬卜于既乎(呼)簋<食>迺 一
Divined on Ren: Upon finishing the call to eat,[25] then. 1

3.16

壬卜子令
Divined on Ren: Our lord will issue a command.

3.17

其宅北室亡(疾身) 一
If residing in the northern room(s),[26] there will be no body sickness. [27] 1

HYZ 4

4.1

甲寅歲且(祖)甲白豭一鬯一(登)自西祭 一
On Jiayin,[28] sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one white boar, offer one bowl of aromatic ale,[29] (and) raise[30] sacrificial items originating from the west.[31] 1

4.2

甲寅歲且(祖)甲白一 一二
On Jiayin, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one white sow. 12

4.3

乙卯歲且(祖)乙白豭一(登)自西祭且(祖)甲(延) 一
On Yimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one white boar (and) raise sacrificial items originating from the west. Continuing from Ancestor Jia.[32] 1

4.4

乙卯歲且(祖)乙白豭一(登)自西祭且(祖)甲(延) 二
On Yimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one white boar (and) raise sacrificial items originating from the west. Continuing from Ancestor Jia. 2

HYZ 5

5.1

乙亥卜戠(待)于之若 一二
Divined on Yihai: Wait,[33] (for) in that (it) will be favorable. 12

5.2

乙亥卜叀(惠)子配(妃)史(使)于(王婦)好 一二
Divined on Yihai: It should be our lord’s spouse[34] who is dispatched to His Majesty’s Lady[35] Hao. 12

5.3

乙亥卜叀(惠) 一
Divined on Yihai: It should be… 1

5.4

叀(惠)配(妃)史(使)曰(王婦)
It should be (our lord’s) spouse who is dispatched to address His Majesty’s Lady.

5.5

叀(惠)配(妃)史(使) 一
It should be (our lord’s) spouse who is dispatched... 1

5.7

乙亥卜(王婦)衍(侃) 一
Divined on Yihai: His Majesty’s Lady will be happy.[36] 1

5.6

乙亥卜衍(侃) 一
Divined on Yihai: Will be happy. 1

5.8

乙亥衍(侃) 一
Yihai,[37] will be happy. 1

5.9

乙亥卜至旬 一
Divined on Yihai: Will arrive in a week…1

5.10

乙亥卜(王婦)好又(有)史(事)子隹(唯) (休)于丁曰(王婦)好 一二
Divined on Yihai: His Majesty’s Lady Hao will have service.[38] Our lord, it being when he (or: she) rests with His Highness, will address His Majesty’s Lady Hao. 12

5.11

今日曰(王婦)好 二
…today address His Majesty’s Lady Hao. 2

5.12

子曰(王婦)好
…Our lord will address His Majesty’s Lady Hao.

5.13

叀(惠)子曰(王婦) 一
It should be our lord who addresses His Majesty’s Lady. 1

5.14

叀(惠)子曰(王婦) 一
It should be our lord who addresses His Majesty’s Lady. 1

5.15

丙子卜才(在) 曰其奏 一
Divined on Bingzi, at Fu:[39] Say (I/our lord) shall perform (music). 1

5.16

癸巳卜子夢(射)告非(艱) 一
Divined on Guisi: Our lord dreamt of shooting with bow and arrow; [40] reporting it, it will not (spell) affliction. 1

HYZ 6

6.1

甲辰夕歲且(祖)乙黑牡一叀(惠)子祝若且(祖)乙衍(侃)用翌日(刮) 一
On the evening of Jiachen, in sacrificing (to) Ancestor Yi one black bull, it should be our lord who prays, (for it) will be favorable (and) Ancestor Yi will be happy.[41] Used.[42] Carved (one black bull)[43] (for) the Yi-day rite.[44] 1

6.2

乙丑卜又(有)吉(刈)子具(有)其以入若衍(侃)又(有) 徝用 一二三四
Divined on Yichou: (As for) the best[45] sickles,[46] our lord should bring and contribute (them) all altogether,[47] (for it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. There will be a Piao[48] visitation.[49] Used.[50] 1234

6.3

乙丑卜
Divined on Yichou…

6.4

乙丑卜用 五
Divined on Yichou. Used. 5

6.5

子(金)貞 一
Lord Jin tested. 1

HYZ 7

7.1

丁酉歲且(祖)甲一鬯一子祝才(在) 一
On Dingyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one ewe, (offer) one bowl of aromatic ale, (and) our lord will pray. At Lu. 1

7.2

叀(惠)一羊于二且(祖)用入自 一
It should be one sheep for two Ancestors.[51] Used. Entered in from Lu.[52] 1

7.8

牝 二
Cow. 2

7.3

己亥卜才(在) (雝) 二
Divined on Jihai, at Yong[53]… 2

7.4

弜(勿)射于之若 二
Do not shoot with bow and arrow, (for) in that will be favorable. 2

7.5

庚子卜才(在)我[且(祖)] 一
Divined on Gengzi, at Wo:[54] [Ancestor][55]…1

7.6

丁未卜新馬其于賈視又(右)用 一
Divined on Dingwei: If new[56] horses are inspected by the Trader, [57] the one on the right will be used. 1

7.7

丁未卜新馬于賈視又(右)不用 一
Divined on Dingwei: As for new horses to be inspected by the Trader(s), the one on the right will not be used.[58] 1

7.9

二_2

7.10

乙卯夕卜子弜(勿) (往)田用 一
Divined on the evening of Yimao: Our lord ought not go to hunt. Used. 1

7.11

乙卯夕卜子弜(勿)酓(飲)用
Divined on the evening of Yimao: Our lord ought not drink (or: provide drinks).[59] Used.

HYZ 8

8.1

[子]祝
…[our lord] will pray.

HYZ 9

9.1

丙寅夕宜才(在)新朿牝一 一二三四
On the evening of Bingyin, make (or: provide) meat viands[60] from one cow that is at the new house.[61] 1234

9.2

丙寅夕宜才(在)新朿牝一 一二三
On the evening of Bingyin, make (or: provide) meat viands from one cow that is at the new house. 123

9.3

丙寅夕卜[由(怞)] (虞)于子 一
Divined on the evening of Bingyin: [Unhappy] (and) upset with our lord. 1

9.4

丙寅夕卜衍(侃)不(虞)于子 一
Divined on the evening of Bingyin: Happy (and) not upset with our lord. 1

9.5

辛未卜从 (往)田用 一
Divined on Xinwei: From Wei,[62] go to hunt. Used. 1

9.9

辛未卜(往) 二
Divined on Xinwei: Wei, go… 2

9.6

辛未卜从(往)田用 三
Divined on Xinwei: From Wei, go to hunt. Used. 3

9.7

辛未卜(擒)用 一
Divined on Xinwei: Will make a catch. Used. 1

9.8

辛未卜(擒) 三[鹿]二 二
Divined on Xinwei: Will make a catch. Three…[deer] two. 2

HYZ 10

10.1

乙未卜子(宿)才(在) 夂(終)夕□□自□子占曰不[ (擒)] 一
Divined on Yiwei: Our lord spends the night at Fu*. The entire evening…from…Our lord read the crack and said, “Will not [catch] (anything).” 1

10.2

乙未卜才(在) 丙[不雨]子占曰不其雨(孚)
Divined on Yiwei, at Fu*: [Day] Bing [is not going to rain]. Our lord read the crack and said, “It should not rain.” Trusted.[63]

10.3

其雨不用
It might rain. Not used.

HYZ 11

11.1

[ ]乃弜(勿) (往)[又(有)蹠若用]
[Ji] Nai[64] ought not go, [having (a problem) with the sole of his foot*,[65] (for it) will be favorable. Used.]

11.2

樁壴彭 一二
[Meaning unclear] posts*, will sound the drums*. 12

11.3

(狩)叀(惠)新止用 一二
As for the hunt, it should be Xin where it stops.[66] Used. 12

HYZ 12

12.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 13

13.1

甲午歲且(祖)甲豭一子祝才(在) 一
On Jiawu, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one boar, (and) our lord will pray. At Fu*. 1

13.2

乙未歲且(祖)乙豭子祝才(在) 一二
On Yiwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some boars, (and) our lord will pray. At Fu*. 12

13.3

弜(勿)巳祝叀(惠)之用于且(祖)乙用 一
Do not stop from praying,[67] should it be that[68] which is used for Ancestor Yi. Used. 1

13.4

叀(惠)子祝歲且(祖)乙一用 一二
It should be our lord who prays, to sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one sow. Used. 12

13.5

丁酉歲匕(妣)丁一才(在) 一
On Dingyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding one sow. At Fu*. 1

13.6

乙巳歲且(祖)乙子祝才(在) 一二
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi (one) ewe (and) our lord will pray. At Fu*. 12

13.7

乙巳歲且(祖)乙一子祝才(在) 三
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one ewe (and) our lord will pray. At Fu*. 3

13.8

歲
… sacrifice…

HYZ 14

14.1

乙酉卜子又(有)之南小丘其(罩豕)隻(獲) 一二三四五
Divined on Yiyou: Our lord has an outing to Qin’s[69] southern hills. If using a net to trap pigs,[70] there will be capture. 12345

14.2

乙酉卜弗其隻(獲) 一二三四五
Divined on Yiyou: Not likely to capture any. 12345

14.3

乙酉卜子于丙求南丘豕冓(遘) 一二三四
Divined on Yiyou: Our lord, by the following day Bing, searches Qin’s southern hills for pigs and will make an encounter. 1234

14.4

(以)人冓(遘)豕 一二
Taking men, (our lord) will encounter pigs. 12

14.5

乙酉卜既乎(呼)簋(食) (往) (虣)冓(遘)豕 一二
Divined on Yiyou: Will go after the call to eat. Hunting strong-armed, (our lord) will encounter pigs.[71] 12

14.6

弜(勿) (虣) 一二
Do not hunt strong-armed. 12

14.7

冓(遘) 鹿子(占)曰其冓(遘) 一二
Will encounter Qin deer. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Likely will encounter some.” 12

14.8

一二_12

14.9

一二_12

HYZ 15

15.1

丁 一
…His Highness. 1

15.2

庚卜
Divined on Geng …

15.3

在入
…at Ru.[72]

15.4

子(金)
lord Jin…

15.5

子(金) 一
…lord Jin. 1

15.6

用 一
Used. 1

15.7

用 一
Used. 1

15.8

用 一
Used. 1

15.9

用 二
Used. 2

HYZ 16

16.1

丙卜子其(往) (雝) (殺)乃酓(飲)于乍(作)乎(呼)簋(食)廼來 一
Divined on Bing: When our lord goes to Yong to make the killing,[73] Nai will offer drinks; at the start of the call to eat, then (our lord) will return.[74] 1

16.2

丙卜子(往) (雝)曰又(有)求曰(往) (雝) 一
Day Bing divined: Our lord, going to Yong,[75] will say there is a request (or: need);[76] will say (our lord) goes to Yong. 1

HYZ 17

17.1

甲辰歲且(祖)甲一牢子祝 一
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one pen-raised cow (and) our lord will pray. 1

17.2

乙巳歲且(祖)乙一牢祝 一
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one pen-raised cow (and) [uncertain name][77] will pray. 1

HYZ 18

18.1

東
East

18.2

西
West

18.3

南
South

18.4

[Unclear meaning][78]

HYZ 19–HYZ 20

19.1

不 一
…will not…1

19.2

用
Used.

19.3

用
Used.

19.4

乙庚
Yi, Geng[79]

20.1

屰(逆)入六
Ni[80] contributes six.

HYZ 21

21.1

乙亥卜貞子予友(牧)又(有)复弗死 一
Divined on Yihai, tested: Lord Yu’s[81] aide Mu, having a return, is not going to die.[82] 1

21.2

丁丑卜其(禦)子(往)田于小示用 一
Divined on Dingchou: Should make an exorcism rite (for) our lord’s going to hunt to the Lesser Altars.[83] Used. 1

21.3

乙巳歲且(祖)乙白[彘]又(登) 一二
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi (some) white [wild boars][84] and have (> add) a (cereal) raising. 12.

HYZ 22

22.1

(剖)貞 一 Pou tested. [85] 1

HYZ 23

23.1

卯
Mao[86]

23.2

己巳卜子(燕>宴)田(上甲)臤(掔)用
Divined on Jisi: Our lord will banquet, [87] (and) carry in Shang Jia’s [88] (meat offering).[89] Used.

HYZ 24

24.1

用 一
Used. 1

24.2

用 一
Used. 1

24.3

用 二
Used. 2

24.4

告
…announce…

HYZ 25

25.1

癸卜囗令見子
Divined on Gui …command…see…lord…

25.2

匕(妣)己
…Ancestress Ji…

25.3

[歲]且(祖)乙小豭又(有) (登) 一二
…[sacrifice] (to) Ancestor Yi some small pen-raised sheep, some boars, and have (>add) (or: there will be) a (cereal) raising. 12

HYZ 26

26.1

自賈[气(乞)]
[Requested] from Jia...[90]

26.2

子其出宜不用 一
Our lord should exit to make (or: provide) meat viands. Not used. 1

26.3

戠(待)弜(勿)
Wait, do not…

26.4

甲戌卜子其出宜不用 二
Divined on Jiaxu: Our lord should exit to make (or: provide) meat viands. Not used. 2

26.5

戠(待)弜(勿)出宜用 二
Wait, do not exit to make (or: provide) meat viands. Used. 2

26.6

丙歲匕(妣)庚鬯告夢 一
On Bing, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some rams, offer aromatic ale, (and) report the dream. 1

26.7

丙歲匕(妣)庚鬯[告]夢 二
On Bing, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some rams, offer aromatic ale, (and) [report] the dream.[91] 2

26.8

甲申卜子其見(獻)帚(婦)好 一
Divined on Jiashen: Our lord should present[92] Lady Hao...1

26.9

甲申卜子叀(惠)豕殁眔魚見(獻)丁用 一
Divined on Jiashen: It it should be minced pork together with fish that our lord presents to His Highness. Used. 1

26.10

戊子卜子( )宜一于之若 一
Divined on Wuzi: Our lord will set out one tray of meat viands, (for) in that will be favorable. 1

26.11

戊子卜子( )宜二于之若 一
Divined on Wuzi: Our lord will set out two trays of meat viands, (for) in that will be favorable. 1

HYZ 27

27.1

庚卜才(在) 歲匕(妣)庚三又鬯二至(禦) 百牛又五 三四
Divined on Geng, at Lai: Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng three rams and have (> add) two bowls of aromatic ale to deliver the exorcism;[93] announce by written record (sacrifice of) one hundred and five head of cattle.[94] 34

HYZ 28

28.1

丙卜隹(唯)亞奠乍(作)子齒
Divined on Bing: It will be Ya Dian[95] who makes (an exorcism for) our lord’s tooth.[96]

28.2

丙卜隹(唯)小臣乍(作)子齒 一
Divined on Bing: It will be a Lesser Servitor[97] who makes (an exorcism for) our lord’s tooth. 1

28.3

丙卜隹(唯)帚(婦)好乍(作)子齒 一
Divined on Bing: It will be Lady Hao who makes (an exorcism for) our lord’s tooth. 1

28.4

丙卜丁(虞)于子隹(唯)(亲)齒 一
Divined on Bing: His Highness will be upset about our lord, (and this) means (he) himself will (make an exorcism for our lord’s) tooth.[98] 1

28.5

丙卜丁(虞)于子由(迪)从中 一
Divined on Bing: His Highness will be upset about our lord’s advancing from the middle.[99] 1

28.6

戊卜六<今>其(酒)子興匕(妣)庚告于丁用
Divined on Wu: If making ale libation today (for) lord Xing (to) Ancestress Geng,[100] report (it) to His Highness. Used.[101]

28.7

戊卜戠(待)弜(勿) (酒)子興匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Wu: Wait, do not make ale libation (for) lord Xing (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

28.8

戊卜子其告于 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord should report to…1

28.9

戊卜 一
Divined on Wu …1

28.10

辛卜丁不涉 一
Divined on Xin: His Highness is not going to cross the river. 1

28.11

辛卜丁涉从東兆(狩) 一
Divined on Xin: His Highness is going to cross the river and hunt from the eastern edge. 1

HYZ 29

29.1

丙寅卜其(禦)隹(唯)賈視馬于癸子叀(惠)一伐一牛一鬯夢用 一二
Divined on Bingyin: When making an exorcism rite, it being for the trader-inspected horses to Gui Child,[102] it should be one human beheading, one head of cattle, (and) one bowl of aromatic ale that are announced by written record (as sacrificial offerings along with) the dream.[103] Used. 12

29.2

庚寅歲且(祖)□牝一祝 一二
On Gengyin, sacrifice (to) Ancestor…one cow (and) [name] will pray. 12

29.3

庚寅卜叀(惠)子祝不用 一二
Divined on Gengyin: It should be our lord who prays. Not used. 12

29.4

己亥卜于(庭)爯(稱)琡(璋)用 二
Divined on Jihai: In the courtyard, hold up[104] large jade tablets[105] (and) arcended jade tablets.[106] Used. 2

29.5

乙巳歲且(祖)乙白彘一又(登)且(祖)乙衍(侃) 一
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one white wild boar (and) have (>add) a (cereal) raising; Ancestor Yi will be happy. 1

HYZ 30

30.1

[匕(妣)]己一才(在) 二
…[Ancestress] Ji one sow, at Fu. 2

HYZ 31–32

31.1

午卜
Divined on Wu …

31.2

歲一
…sacrifice…one ewe…

31.3

卯匕(妣)庚
…butcher …Ancestress Geng…

32.1

庚卜才(在) 歲匕(妣)庚三又鬯二至(禦) 百牛又五 一
Divined on Geng, at Lai: Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng three rams and add (> have) two bowls of aromatic ale to deliver the exorcism; announce by written record (sacrifice of) one hundred and five head of cattle. 1

32.2

庚卜才(在) 叀(惠)五又鬯二用至(禦)匕(妣)庚 一二三
Divined on Geng, at Lai: It should be five rams and two bowls of aromatic ale that are used to deliver the exorcism (to) Ancestress Geng. 123

32.3

庚卜才(在) 叀(惠)七[用至] (禦)匕(妣)庚 一二三
Divined on Geng, at Lai: It should be seven rams [that are used to deliver] to the exorcism (to) Ancestress Geng. 123

32.4

庚卜才(在) 叀(惠)五用至(禦)匕(妣)庚 一二
Divined on Geng, at Lai: It should be five rams that are used to deliver the exorcism (to) Ancestress Geng. 12

HYZ 33

33.1

貞子(陞) 一
Tested: (for) Lord Sheng.[107] 1

HYZ 34

34.1

辛卯卜子宜叀(惠)幽廌用 一
Divined on Xinmao: When our lord sets out meat viand trays, it should be dark red antelope. Used. 1

34.2

辛卯卜子宜叀(惠)囗不用 一
Divined on Xinmao: When our lord sets out meat viand trays, it should be...Not used. 1

34.3

甲辰歲且(祖)甲牢一鬯 一二
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some pen-raised cattle (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 12

34.4

甲辰宜丁牝一丁各夨(昃)于我翌[日]于大甲用 一二
On Jiachen, make (or: provide) (for) His Highness meat viands (from) one cow. His Highness arrives in the late afternoon to us, the Yi-rite [day] for Da Jia.[108] Used. 12

34.5

甲辰卜于麥(來)乙又(有)于且(祖)乙用 一二
Divined on Jiachen: By a coming Yi day,[109] have for (or: offer to) Ancestor Yi some pen-raised sheep. Used. 12

34.6

乙巳卜歲且(祖)乙牢鬯一且(祖)甲(延)丁各 一二
Divined on Yisi: Sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some pen-raised cattle (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. Continuing from Ancestor Jia.[110] His Highness arrived. 12

34.8

乙巳卜丁各子爯(稱)小用 一
Divined on Yisi: His Highness arrives; our lord will hold up a small amount. Used. 1

34.7

乙巳卜子大爯(稱)不用 一
Divined on Yisi: Our lord will hold up a large amount.[111] Not used. 1

34.9

乙巳卜丁各子爯(稱)用 一二
Divined on Yisi: His Highness arrives; our lord will (be the one who) holds up (jades). Used. 12

34.10

乙巳卜丁[各]子弜(勿)巳爯(稱)不用 一二
Divined on Yisi: His Highness [arrives]; our lord should not stop from holding up (jades). Not used. 12

34.11

乙巳卜丁各子[于(庭)]爯(稱)用 一
Divined on Yisi: His Highness arrives; our lord, [in the courtyard], will hold up (jades). Used. 1

34.12

乙巳卜子于[ (寢)]爯(稱)不用 一
Divined on Yisi: Our lord, in the [chamber], will hold up (jades). Not used. 1

34.13

戊申卜歲且(祖)甲豕一一 一
Divined on Wushen: Sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one pig, one ewe. 1

34.14

己酉卜翌日庚[戌]子乎(呼)多臣(燕>宴)見丁用不率 一
Divined on Jiyou: On the next day, Geng[xu], our lord will call the Many Servitors to banquet and see (or: have audience about/with) His Highness. Used. Not all.[112] 1

HYZ 35

35.1

壬申卜子(往)于田从昔(所)用(擒)四鹿 一
Divined on Renshen: Our lord will proceed to the fields from the old location.[113] Used. Caught four deer. 1

35.2

壬申卜既乎(呼)食子其(往)田用 一二
Divined on Renshen: After calling to eat, our lord should go hunt. Used. 12

HYZ 36

36.1

丁卜才(在)柚其東(狩) 一
Divined on Ding, at You:[114] Likely hunts to the east. 1

36.2

丁卜其二 一
Divined on Ding: Likely two (people). 1

36.3

不其(狩)入商才(在)柚 一
Is not likely to hunt entering Shang.[115] At You. [116] 1

36.4

丁卜其涉河(狩) 一二
Divined on Ding: Might cross the river to hunt. 12

36.5

丁卜不(狩) 一二
Divined on Ding: Will not hunt. 12

36.6

其(溯)河(狩)至于糞 一
Might go up river to hunt arriving in Fen. 1

36.7

不其(狩) 一
Might not hunt. 1

HYZ 37

37.1

癸酉卜叀(惠)勿(物)牡歲甲且(祖)用 一
Divined on Guiyou: It should be variegated bulls that are sacrificed (to) Jiaday Ancestor(s). Used. 1

37.2

癸酉卜叀(惠)勿(物)牡歲甲且(祖)用 二
Divined on Guiyou: It should be variegated bulls that are sacrificed (to) Jiaday Ancestor(s). Used. 2

37.3

己卯卜子見(獻) (以)琡丁用 一
Divined on Jimao: Our lord will present large jade tablets brought by You*[117] (to) His Highness. Used. 1

37.4

(以)一鬯見丁用 一
Take one bowl of aromatic ale to see His Highness. Used. 1

37.5

癸巳卜子(餉)叀(惠)白璧(肇)丁用
Divined on Guisi: When our lord has the meal delivered,[118] it should be white jade circlets that are dispensed[119] (to) His Highness. Used. 1

37.6

甲午卜才(在) 子其射若 一
Divined on Jiawu, at Lu: If our lord shoots with bow and arrow, (it) will be favorable. 1

37.7

甲午弜(勿)射于之若 一
On Jiawu, do not shoot with bow and arrow, (for) in that will be favorable. 1

37.8

丁酉歲且(祖)甲一鬯一才(在) 一
On Dingyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one ewe (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. At Lu. 1

37.9

丁酉歲且(祖)甲一鬯一才(在) 二
On Dingyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one ewe (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. At Lu. 2

37.11

叀(惠)牝又鬯且(祖)甲 一
It should be cows and aromatic ale (for) Ancestor Jia. 1

37.10

己亥卜才(在) (雝)子其射若不用
Divined on Jihai, at Yong: If our lord shoots with bow and arrow, (it) will be favorable. Not used.

37.12

甲辰歲匕(妣)庚一鬯才(在) 二
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe (and) offer aromatic ale. At Lu. 2

37.13

甲辰歲且(祖)甲牡一一才(在) 三
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one bull, one ram. At Lu. 3

37.14

乙巳卜才(在) 子其射若不用 一二三
Divined on Yisi, at Lu: If our lord shoots with bow and arrow, (it) will be favorable. Not used. 123

37.15

乙巳卜才(在) 子弜(勿) (遲) (承)弓出日 一
Divined on Yisi, at Lu: Our lord should not be slow to receive bows (at) sunrise.[120] 1

37.16

叀(惠) (丙)弓用射 一
It should be Bing’s bow[121] that is used to shoot. 1

37.17

叀(惠) (丙)弓用不用
It should be Bing’s bow that is used. Not used. 1

37.18

丙午卜子其射疾弓于之若 一
Divined on Bingwu: Our lord should shoot Ji’s bow,[122] (for) in that will be favorable. 1

37.19

戊申卜叀(惠)疾弓用射(隹)用 一
Divined on Wushen: It should be Ji’s bow that is used to shoot birds. Used. 1

37.20

壬子卜子(以)帚(婦)好入于(戎) (肇)琡三(往) (縣*) 一二
Divined on Renzi: Our lord will lead Lady Hao into Rong.[123] Dispense (to her) three large jade tablets. Going to Xuan.[124] 12

37.21

壬子卜子(以)帚(婦)好入于(戎)子乎(呼)多賈見于帚(婦)好(肇)紤八 一
Divined on Renzi: Our lord will lead Lady Hao into Rong. Our lord will call the Many Traders to have audience about/with Lady Hao, and dispense (to her) eight tapestries.[125] 1

37.22

壬子卜子(以)帚(婦)好入于(戎)子乎(呼)多(禦)正(征)見于帚(婦)好(肇)紤十(往) (縣*) 一二三四五
Divined on Renzi: Our lord will lead Lady Hao into Rong. Our lord will call the Many Defense Regulators to have audience about/with Lady Hao, (and) dispense (to her) ten tapestries. Going to Xuan. 12345

37.26

叀(惠)三人 一
It should be three people.[126] 1

37.23

癸丑卜歲食牝于且(祖)甲用 二
Divined on Guichou: Sacrifice some feed cows[127] to Ancestor Jia. Used. 2

37.25

乙卯歲且(祖)乙豭鬯一 一
On Yimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some boars (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 1

37.24

乙卯卜叀(惠)白豕且(祖)乙不用 一
Divined on Yimao: It should be white pigs (for) Ancestor Yi. Not used. 1

HYZ 38

38.1

乙卜其(禦)[子疾]肩匕(妣)庚三十□ 一
Divined on Yi: If making an exorcism rite (for) [our lord’s sick] shoulder (to) Ancestress Geng, announce by written record (sacrifice of) thirty... 1

38.2

壬卜其(禦)子[疾]肩匕(妣)庚三豕
Divined on Ren: If making an exorcism rite (for) our lord’s [sick] shoulder (to) Ancestress Gen, announce by written record (sacrifice of) three pigs.

38.3

壬卜其(禦)子疾肩匕(妣)庚三豕 一
Divined on Ren: If making an exorcism rite (for) our lord’s sick shoulder (to) Ancestress Geng, announce by written record (sacrifice of) three pigs.[128] 1

38.4

壬卜子其入廌牛于丁 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord should contribute antelope (and) cattle to His Highness. 1

38.5

壬卜丁聞子乎(呼)[視]戎弗乍(作) (虞) 一
Divined on Ren: His Highness, hearing that our lord has called [to inspect] the (enemy) warriors,[129] is not going to become upset. 1

38.6

南弗死 二三
Nan is not going to die (on inspection).[130] 23

38.7

死 一二三四
Will die. 1234

HYZ 39

39.1

叀(惠) 于匕(妣)己 一
It should be sows to Ancestress Ji. 1

39.2

(登)匕(妣)己友彘 一
Raise (cereal) (to) Ancestress Ji,[131] and pair wild boar with it.[132] 1

39.3

(登)匕(妣)己友彘 二
Raise (cereal) (to) Ancestress Ji, and pair wild boar with it. 2

39.4

乙歲匕(妣)庚牡又鬯 一
On Yi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some bulls and add (> have) aromatic ale. 1

39.12

乙歲匕(妣)庚牡又鬯 二
On Yi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some bulls and add (> have) aromatic ale. 2

39.5

乙歲匕(妣)庚牡 一
On Yi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some bulls. 1

39.6

叀(惠) 匕(妣)庚 一
It should be ewes (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

39.20

叀(惠) 匕(妣)庚 二
It should be ewes (to) Ancestress Geng. 2

39.7

叀(惠) 一
It should be pen-raised sheep. 1

39.8

叀(惠)牛 一
It should be cattle. 1

39.9

卯 一
Butcher some pen-raised sheep. 1

39.10

乙 一
On Yi…1

39.11

乙 一
On Yi…1

39.13

丙卜叀(惠) 匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Bing: It should be longhaired pigs (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

39.14

歲匕(妣)庚 一
Make sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

39.15

叀(惠)豭于匕(妣)丁 一
It should be boars for Ancestress Ding. 1

39.16

丙卜叀(惠)豭于匕(妣)丁 二
Divined on Bing: It should be boars for Ancestress Ding. 2

39.17

戊卜子其取于(夙)丁弗乍(作) 一
Divined on Wu: If our lord gets Hu[133] by dawn, it will not cause His Highness to be (upset?).[134] 1

39.18

己卜其(酒)子興匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: Should make the ale libation (for) lord Xing (to) Ancestress Geng.[135] 1

39.19

夕歲小匕(妣)庚 一
Make evening sacrifice of some small sheep tomorrow (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

39.21

庚卜弜(勿) (禳)子耳鳴亡小(艱) 一
Divined on Geng: Do not make rite to dispel our lord’s ear ringing,[136] (for) there will no minor affliction. 1

HYZ 40

40.1

疾入 一
Ji will make a contribution.[137] 1

HYZ 41

41.1

庚卜(庇)于戓配(妃)
Divined on Geng…take shelter[138] with Ge’s spouse…[139]

41.2

一_1

41.3

庚卜
Divined on Geng…

41.4

于
…to…

41.5

告子囗 三
…report that our lord... 3

41.6

二
…2

41.7

子
…our lord…

41.8

一二_12

41.9

一_1

HYZ 42

42.1

己卜子
Divined on Ji: Our lord…

42.2

卜 二
…divined…2

42.3

一_1

42.4

女
…women.

42.5

子
…our lord…

42.6

己卜子出自
Divined on Ji: Our lord will exit from…

42.7

亞告子 一
…Ya-officer(s)…report…our lord. 1

HYZ 43

43.1

庚卜子(艱)及 一
Divined on Geng: Our lord’s affliction will reach…[140] 1

HYZ 44

44.1

子不(延)又(有) (瘳) 一
Our lord’s (illness) is not going to persist; (he) will have recovery.[141] 1

44.2

妹又(有) 一
Still will not have (recovery). 1

HYZ 45

45.1

丙羊
Day Bing…sheep.

45.2

庚□歲
Day Geng…sacrifice…

45.3

歲十小又鬯 三
Sacrifice ten small pen-raised sheep and add (> have) aromatic ale. 3

45.4

用 三
Used. 3

45.5

用 四
Used. 4

45.6

一_1

HYZ 46

46.1

乎(呼)用馬 一
Call to use horse(s). 1

HYZ 47

47.1

南
South

47.2

癸亥宜牝一才(在) 一
On Guihai, make (or: provide) meat viands (from) one cow. At…1

HYZ 48

48.1

癸亥歲子癸一(登)自丁(黍) 一二三
On Guihai, sacrifice (to) Child Gui one ewe (and) offer the millet from His Highness. 123

HYZ 49

49.1

On Ding[chou], sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one boar (and) split open the cranium.[142] 123

49.2

On Dingchou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one boar (and) split open the cranium. 123

49.3

On Dingchou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black cow (and) split open the cranium. 2

49.4

丁丑歲且(祖)乙黑牝一卯(��)二于且(祖)丁 一二
On Dingchou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black cow (and) split open the cranium, two (pieces for) Ancestor Ding. 12

HYZ 50

50.1

丁亥卜子立于右 一二
Divined on Dinghai: Our lord will position on the right. 12

50.2

丁亥卜子立于(左) 一二
Divined on Dinghai: Our lord will position on the left. 12

50.5

乙未卜子其(往)田若用 一
Divined on Yiwei: If our lord goes to hunt, (it) will be favorable. Used. 1

50.3

乙未卜子其田从求豕冓(遘)用不豕 一二三
Divined on Yiwei: If our lord hunts from (or: following) Wei to search for pigs, (he) will make an encounter. Used. Did not (encounter) pigs.[143] 123

50.4

乙未卜子其田叀(惠)豕求冓(遘)子(占)曰其冓(遘)不用 一
Divined on Yiwei: If our lord hunts, it should be pigs that (he) seeks, (and he) will make an encounter. Our lord read the crack and said, “Should make an encounter.” Not used. 1

50.6

乙未卜子其(往)田叀(惠)鹿求冓(遘)用 一
Divined on Yiwei: When our lord goes to hunt, should it be deer that (he) seeks, (he) will make an encounter. Used. 1

HYZ 51

51.1

斝 一
Small ale cup.[144] 1

HYZ 52

52.1

卜
…divined…

52.2

甲
On Jia…

52.3

乙卜
Divined on Yi…

HYZ 53

53.1

丙卜子其(往) (雝)曰又(有)求曰(往) (雝) 一
Divined on Bing: When our lord goes to Yong, say there is a request (or: need); say (he) goes to Yong. 1

53.2

戊卜匕(妣)庚湏(瀕)于(拔) 一
Divined on Wu: Make an announcement by written record (of sacrifices) (to) Ancestress Geng along the riverside[145] in Ba.[146] 1

53.3

戊卜匕(妣)庚湏(瀕)于(拔) 二
Divined on Wu: Make an announcement by written record (of sacrifices) (to) Ancestress Geng along the riverside in Ba. 2

53.4

戊卜匕(妣)庚才(在)引自(拔) 一
Divined on Wu: Make an announcement by written record (of sacrifices) (to) Ancestress Geng at Yin from Ba. 1

53.5

戊卜匕(妣)庚才(在)引自(拔) 二
Divined on Wu: Make an announcement by written record (of sacrifices) (to) Ancestress Geng at Yin from Ba. 2

53.6

戊卜子其溢(佾)妾[舞] 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord should line up [147] female [dancers] in rows and make announcement by written record (of sacrifices)… 1

53.7

戊卜子其溢(佾)妾舞二牛匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord should line up female dancers in rows and make announcement by written record (of sacrifices), two head of cattle, (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

53.8

戊卜于翌日己[ (延)]休于丁 一
Divined on Wu: By (some point) tomorrow, day Ji, [continue] to rest with with His Highness. 1

53.9

戊卜以酉(酒) (爵)柛 一
Divined on Wu: Take ale[148] to have cups*[149] (at) Deadwood*.[150] 1

53.10

戊卜其(爵)柛 一
Divined on Wu divined: Should have cups* (at) Deadwood*. 1

53.11

戊卜匕(妣)庚才(在)竝 一
Divined on Wu: Make an announcement by written record (of sacrifices) (to) Ancestress Geng at Bing.[151] 1

53.12

己卜叀(惠)豕于匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: It should be pigs for Ancestress Geng. 1

53.13

己卜叀(惠)彘匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: It should be wild boars (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

53.14

己卜叀(惠)牝于匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: It should be cows for Ancestress Geng. 1

53.15

己卜叀(惠)牝于匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Ji: It should be cows for Ancestress Geng. 2

53.16

己卜叀(惠) 于匕(妣)庚
Divined on Ji: It should be pen-raised sheep for Ancestress Geng.

53.17

己卜其(酒) (禦)匕(妣)庚
Divined on Ji: Should libate ale and make an exorcism rite (to) Ancestress Geng.

53.18

己卜叀(惠)丁[乍(作)]子興尋丁 一
Divined on Ji: It should be His Highness who [does] (it); lord Xing will seek (or: go to) His Highness. 1

53.19

己卜叀(惠)子興(往)匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: It should be lord Xing who directs (offerings to) Ancestress Geng.[152] 1

53.20

己卜于官(館) (殺) 一
Divined on Ji: In the guesthouse, make the killing(s). 1

53.21

己卜叀(惠)多臣(禦) (往)匕(妣)庚
Divined on Ji: It should be the Many Servitors’ exorcism that is directed (to) Ancestress Geng.

53.22

己卜吉又(有)匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: It will be auspicious to have (something for) (or: to make offerings to) Ancestress Geng. 1

53.23

歲匕(妣)庚白彘 一
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some white wild boars. 1

53.24

癸[卜]子夢子于吉[爰] 一

[[

Divined] on Gui: Our lord dreamt. Our lord, in matters of good fortune, has delay*].[153] 1

53.25

癸卜貞子耳鳴亡(害) 一
Divined on Gui, tested: Our lord’s ear ringing is without harm. 1

53.26

癸卜貞子耳鳴亡(害) 二
Divined on Gui, tested: Our lord’s ear ringing is without harm. 2

HYZ 54

54.1

辛用 一
Day Xin…Used. 1

54.2

三_3

54.3

己卜
Divined on Ji…

54.4

用
Used.

HYZ 55

55.1

丁亥卜子(金) 一
Divined on Dinghai: (about) Lord Jin. 1

55.2

丁亥卜子(金) 一
Divined on Dinghai: (about) Lord Jin.[154] 1

55.3

(往)澫(禦) 一
…go to the Wan River and make the exorcism.[155] 1

55.4

己丑歲匕(妣)庚牝一子(往)澫(禦) 四
On Jichou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one cow; our lord will go to the Wan River and make the exorcism.[156] 4

HYZ 56

56.1

辛丑卜(禦)丁于且(祖)庚至[ ]一羌一人二牢至一且(祖)辛(禦)丁羌一人二牢
Divined on Xinchou: Make an exorcism rite (for) His Highness to Ancestor Geng, (and) deliver one [ram] and announce (sacrifices of) Qiang, one person, (and) two head of pen-raised cattle by written record; deliver one ram (to) Ancestor Xin to make an exorcism rite (for) His His Highness, (and) announce (sacrifices of) Qiang, one person, (and) two head of pen-raised cattle by written record.

HYZ 57

57.1

貞夫 一
Tested: (about) Fu.[157] 1

HYZ 58

58.1

用 一
Used. 1

58.2

用 二
Used. 2

58.3

用 二
Used. 2

HYZ 59

59.1

辛未卜子其亦原(往)田若用 一
Divined on Xinwei: If our lord, also on highland, goes to hunt, (it) will be favorable. Used. 1

59.2

壬申卜目喪火言曰其水(永/愆)允其水(永/愆) 一
Divined on Renshen: Losing eye(sight). Huo’s words said, “It might perpetuate.” It really might perpetuate .[158] 1

59.3

壬申卜不允水(永/愆)子(占)曰不其水(永/愆) 一
Divined on Renshen: It will not really perpetuate. Our lord read the crack and said, “It will likely not perpetuate.” 1

HYZ 60

60.1

卯
Mao.[159]

60.2

甲子丁(各) (宿) 一
On Jiazi, His Highness will arrive and spend the night. 1

60.3

乙丑自賈馬又(有) (剝) 一
On Yichou, a horse from the trader has a cut (> is damaged).[160] 1

60.4

亡其(剝)賈馬 一
Likely without (any) cuts (> damages), the trader’s horses. 1

60.5

隹(唯) (左)馬其又(有) (剝) 一
It will be the left horse that likely has a cut (> is damaged). 1

60.6

又(右)馬其又(有) (剝) 一
The right horse likely has a cut (> is damaged). 1

60.7

自賈馬其又(有)死子曰其又(有)死 一
It is likely that a horse from the trader will die. Our lord said, “Likely have a death (or: deaths).” 1

HYZ 61-HYZ 62

61.1

Divined on Guimao, Ya Dian tested: Use our lord’s prognostication that said to obey [the divination].[161] 1

61.2

癸卯卜亞奠貞子(占)曰終卜用
Divined on Guimao, Ya Dian tested: Use our lord’s prognostication that said to end the divination.[162]

61.3

甲辰歲匕(妣)庚家一 一
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one pen-raised pig. 1

62.1

Obey [it].[163]

HYZ 63

63.1

自賈气(乞)
Requested from Jia.

63.2

辛亥卜子其以帚(婦)好入于(戎)子乎(呼)多(禦)正(征)見于帚(婦)好(肇) 紤十(往) (縣) 一
Divined on Xinhai: When our lord leads Lady Hao into Rong, our lord will call the Many Defense Regulators to have audience about/with Lady Hao, (and) dispense (to her) ten tapestries. Going to Xuan. 1

63.3

辛亥卜發(肇)帚(婦)好紤三(微) (肇)帚(婦)好紤二用(往) (縣) 一
Divined on Xinhai: Fa will dispense (to) Lady Hao three tapestries, (and) Wei will dispense (to) Lady Hao two tapestries. Used. Going to Xuan. 1

63.4

辛亥卜叀(惠)發見于帚(婦)好不用 一
Divined on Xinhai: It should be Fa who has audience about/with Lady Hao. Not used. 1

63.5

癸丑卜歲食牝于且(祖)甲用
Divined on Guihai: Sacrifice feed cows to Ancestor Jia. Used.

63.6

乙卯卜叀(惠)白豕且(祖)甲<乙>不用 一二
Divined on Yimao: It should it be white pigs (to) Ancestor Jia <Yi>.[164] Not used. 12

63.7

乙卯歲且(祖)乙豭一鬯一 一二
On Yimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one boar (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 12

HYZ 64

64.1

其 一
…should… 1

64.2

子
….our lord…

64.3

壬卜壴
Divined on Ren….Gu…

64.4

癸卜
Divined on Gui…

HYZ 65

65.1

乙 一
Day Yi. 1

65.2

丙 一
Day Bing.[165] 1

HYZ 66

66.1

一_1

66.2

三_3

66.3

甲卜其
Divined on Jia…

66.4

用 一
Used. 1

66.5

癸其
On Gui…should…

66.6

亡入其
… not having contribution…should…

66.7

牛一
…one head of cattle…

HYZ 67

67.1

乙亥夕歲且(祖)乙黑牝一子祝 一二
On the evening of Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black cow (and) our lord will pray. 12

67.2

乙亥夕歲且(祖)乙黑牝一子祝 三四
On the evening of Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black cow (and) our lord will pray. 34

67.3

己丑歲匕(妣)己彘一 一二三
On Jichou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one wild boar. 123

67.4

一二三_123

HYZ 68

68.1

用 一
Used. 1

68.2

用 二
Used. 2

68.3

用
Used.

68.4

用
Used.

HYZ 69

69.1

戊卜匕(妣)庚牝
Divined on Wu…Ancestress Geng…cow…

69.2

戊卜子
Divined on Wu…our lord…

69.3

戊卜其匕(妣)庚
Divined on Wu: Should…Ancestress Geng…

69.4

己鬯
On Ji….aromatic ale…

69.5

二_2

69.6

己卜丁冬(終) (虞)于子疾 一
Divined on Ji: His Highness, until its end, will be upset about our lord’s illness. 1

69.7

己卜丁冬(終)不(虞)于子疾 一
Divined on Ji: His Highness, until its end, will not be upset about our lord’s illness. 1

69.8

辛卜子牛 一
Divined on Xin: Our lord…cattle…1

69.9

子其牛黑
Our lord should…cattle black…

69.10

癸卜
Divined on Gui…

HYZ 70-HYZ 71

70.1

三牢 一二
Three head of pen-raised cattle. 12

70.2

三小 一二
Three small pen-raised sheep. 12

70.3

三牢
Three head of pen-raised cattle.

70.4

五小 一二三
Five small pen-raised sheep. 123

70.5

子貞 一
Our lord tested (it).[166] 1

71.1

封
Feng[167]

HYZ 72

72.1

丁
His Highness

72.2

丁
…His Highness…

72.3

一_1

72.4

二_2

72.5

丁
His Highness

72.6

丁
…His Highness…

HYZ 73

73.1

行 一
March. 1

73.2

行 一
March.[168] 1

HYZ 74

74.1

子 一
…our lord. 1

74.2

卜貞子 一
Divined on…, tested: Our lord... 1

HYZ 75

75.1

戊卜子乍(作)丁臣(偃)其乍(作)子(艱) 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord making His Highness’ servitors lay down (or: stay down) is likely to cause our lord trouble.[169] 1

75.2

戊卜子乍(作)丁臣(偃)弗乍(作)子(艱) 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord making His Highness’ servitors lay down (or: stay down) is not going to cause our lord trouble. 1

75.3

戊卜子令 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord will issue a command. 1

75.4

戊卜子[乍(作)] 二
Divined on Wu: Our lord [will do] (it). 2

75.5

戊卜子乍(作) 二
Divined on Wu: Our lord will do (it). 2

75.6

戊卜叀(惠)五卯伐匕(妣)庚子(禦) 一
Divined on Wu: It should be five pen-raised sheep that are butchered to make beheadings (to) Ancestress Geng; our lord makes the exorcism. 1

75.7

己卜子(金) 一
Divined on Ji: Lord Jin. 1

75.8

癸卜中□休又(有)畀子
Divined on Gui: Zhong…rests, something will be given[170] (to) our lord.

75.9

癸卜子[臣]中 一
Divined on Gui: Our lord [will make] Zhong [his servitor].[171] 1

HYZ 76

76.1

乙卯歲且(祖)乙(殺豕)叀(惠)子祝用 二
On Yimao, when sacrificing (to) Ancestor Yi some pigs that have been killed,[172] it should be our lord who prays. Used. 2

76.2

乙卯卜其(禦)大于癸子豭一又鬯用又(有)疾 一二三
Divined on Yimao: If making an exorcism rite (for) Da[173] to Gui child, announce by written record (the sacrificial offerings of) one boar and aromatic ale. Used. Has sickness.[174] 123

HYZ 77

77.1

丙子
On Bing, our lord…

77.2

(宿)
…spend the night…

77.3

丁
…His Highness…

77.4

己
On Ji…

HYZ 78-HYZ 79

78.1

貞
Tested…

78.2

貞不死 一
Tested: Xian[175] is not going to die. 1

78.3

貞
Tested: (about) Xian.[176]

79.1

(榛)气(乞)
Requested (from) Zhen.[177]

HYZ 80

80.1

癸卜子告官(館)于丁其取田 一
Divined on Gui: Our lord, reporting (progress of) the guesthouse to His Highness, should take fields.[178] 1

80.2

甲卜子(金) 一
Divined on Jia: (about) Lord Jin. 1

80.3

己亥歲 一
On Jihai, sacrifice… 1

80.4

用 一二三
Used. 123

HYZ 81

81.1

壬子卜其(將)[匕(妣)庚]示(工(貢))于東官(館)用
Divined on Renzi: When carrying in (offerings) [179] (to) [Ancestress Geng’s][180] altar, bestow them in the eastern guesthouse.[181] Used.

81.2

丁卯又(有)馬又(有)[ (剝)] 一
On Dingmao, there will be a horse (or: horses) that is/ are [cut (> damaged)]. 1

81.3

壬申歲匕(妣)庚一才(在) (戎) 一
On Renshen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one sow. At Rong. 1

81.4

癸酉其又(有) 于賈視 一
On Guiyou, there will likely be black horses with light brown manes inspected by the trader. 1

81.5

丙子卜戓駜于賈視 一
Divined on Bingzi: Ge’s foals will be inspected by the trader. 1

81.6

羊 一
Sheep. 1

81.7

+8 一二_12

HYZ 82-HYZ 83

82.1

一
… 1

82.2

一
…1

82.3

亦[雨] 一
…also [rain]. 1

82.4

不亦 一
…also is not... 1

82.5

一
… 1

82.6

辛卜 一
Divined on Xin …1

83.1

屰入六
Ni contributes six.

HYZ 84

84.1

羌入叀(惠) (舂)姸用若衍(侃)用 一
When Qiang are entered, it should be females who will hull grain[182] that are used, (for) it will be favorable (and) bring happiness. Used. 1

84.2

+3 一二
[meaning unclear] 12183

84.4

乃 一
Nai. [1184]

HYZ 85

85.1

其乎(呼)乍(作) (沁臺)北 一
Should call to build Qin’s tower[185] (in) the north. 1

85.2

子
Our lord…

85.3

終小甲日子乎(呼) (狩) 一
To end Xiao Jia’s day (of worship service),[186] our lord will call to hunt. 1

85.4

歲[二]羊于庚[告][發][來] 一
Sacrificing [two] sheep by day Geng, [report] (that) [Fa] [will come] (with them). 1

85.5

歲二羊于庚告發來 二
Sacrificing two sheep by day Geng, report (that) Fa comes (with them). 2

HYZ 86

86.1

丙辰卜(延)奏商若用 一二三四五
Divined on Bingchen: Continue to perform “Shang”,[187] (for it) will be favorable. Used. 12345

86.2

己巳卜其宜[ ] 用 一
Divined on Jisi: Should make (or: provide) meat viands of [ewe]...Used. 1

HYZ 87

87.1

丁巳卜子益(佾) (嘉)若衍(侃)用
Divined on Dingsi: Our lord will line up (to dance to) [188] “Joyful”,[189] (for it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. Used.

87.2

庚申卜子益(佾)商日不雨(孚)
Divined on Gengshen: Our lord will line up (to dance to) “Shang”; during the day it will not rain. Trusted.

87.4

其雨不(孚) 一
It might rain. Not trusted. 1

87.3

庚申卜叀(惠)今庚益(佾)商若衍(侃)用
Divined on Gengshen: It should be the present day Geng to line up (to dance to) “Shang”, (for it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. Used.

HYZ 88

88.1

甲寅卜
Divined on Jiayin …

88.2

乙卜子入丁才(在)
Divined on Yi: Our lord will contribute…(to) His Highness. At…

88.3

乙卜
Divined on Yi…

88.4

丙卜
Divined on Bing…

88.5

丙卜其 一
Divined on Bing: Should…1

88.6

丙卜[叀(惠)]三牛(殺)匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Bing: [It should be] three head of cattle that are killed (for) Ancestress Geng. 2

88.7

丙卜丁其庚
Divined on Bing…Ding, should…Geng.

88.8

丁卜□日(殺) 牛 二
Divined on Ding…day kill…cattle…2

88.9

己卜叀(惠) 匕(妣)庚
Divined on Ji: It should be…Ancestress Geng.

88.10

甲子歲匕(妣)甲一三小又(有) (置)一 一
On Jiazi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Jia one ram, announce by written record (the sacrificial offerings of) three small pen-raised sheep and one stand.[190] 1

88.11

甲卜叀(惠)盜甲
Divined on Jia: It should be Dao’s[191] exorcism[192]...Jia[193]…

88.12

甲卜旨
Divined on Jia…Zhi[194]…exorcism...

88.13

甲卜
Divined on Jia…

88.14

乙丑卜才(在) (柚)[子]又(有)鬼心其方戌(戍)
Divined on Yichou, at You: [Our lord], having a demon heart (> a bad feeling in his heart), should rush[195] at once[196] to the border.[197]

88.15

戊卜弜(勿)[ (殺)]羊一
Divined on Wu: Do not [kill] one sheep…

88.16

丁匕(妣)丁
…day Ding…Ancestress Ding…

88.17

□卜丁用
Divined…Ding. Used.

HYZ 89

89.1

子
…our lord…

89.2

五小 一
…five small pen-raised sheep...1

89.3

(肇)丁 一二
…dispense (to) His Highness…12

89.4

二_2

89.5

一_1

89.6

二_2

HYZ 90-HYZ 91

90.1

一_1

90.2

其又(有)匕(妣)庚 三
Should have (for) (or: offer to) Ancestress Geng…3

90.3

甲卜弜(勿)又(有) 一
Do not have (or: offer)…1

90.4

囗歲
…sacrifice…

90.5

乙卜(速)丁(以)琡 一
Divined on Yi: Inviting[198] His Highness, bring large jade tablets. 1

90.6

琡其入于丁若 一
If large jade tablets and [noun (unclear meaning)] are contributed to His Highness, (it) will be favorable. 1

90.7

(禦)小匕(妣)庚
…exorcism, some small pen-raised sheep (to) Ancestress Geng…

90.8

子(金)
Lord Jin.

90.9

癸卜子其 一
Divined on Gui: Our lord should…1

90.10

丁
…His Highness.

91.1

入十
Liu contributes ten. [199]

HYZ 92

92.1

甲卜叀(惠)盜具丁用 一
Divined on Jia: It should be Dao who makes preparations (for) His Highness. Used. 1

92.2

甲卜乎(呼)多臣見(獻) 丁用 一
Divined on Jia: Call the Many Servitors to present sanctified meat from the Yi-day rite (to) His Highness. [200] Used. 1

92.3

匕(妣)庚一
…Ancestress Geng…1

92.4

一_1

92.5

甲卜才(在) 其
Divined on Jia: At…should…

92.6

壬卜其乎(呼)
Divined on Ren: Should call…

92.7

壬卜
Divined on Ren…

HYZ 93

93.1

用 一
Used. 1

93.2

爵子癸 一
Will offer ale in jue-cup to Child Gui.[201] 1

HYZ 94

94.1

三十
Thirty[202]

HYZ 95

95.1

壬申卜才(在) 其(禦)于匕(妣)庚十[又]十鬯用才(在) 一二三
Divined on Renshen, at Yang:[203] If making an exorcism rite to Ancestress Geng, announce by written record (the sacrificial offerings of) ten penraised sheep [and] ten bowls of aromatic ale. Used. At Lai.[204] 123

HYZ 96

96.1

令
...command...

96.2

一_1

96.3

一_1

HYZ 97

97.1

乙卯夕宜一才(在)入 一
On the evening of Yimao, make (or: provide) meat viands (of) one ewe. At Ru. 1

HYZ 98

98.1

其買叀(惠)又(有)
If making a purchase, it should be the stallion(s).[205]

98.2

叀(惠)又(有)
It should be the mare(s).

HYZ 99

99.1

三十 一
Thirty…1

99.2

入于丁 一
…contribute to His Highness. 1

99.3

一_1

99.4

一_1

99.5

一_1

HYZ 100

100.1

(嘉) 一
Joyful.[206] 1

HYZ 101

101.1

一二三四_1234

HYZ 102

102.1

乙卜貞賈壴又(有)口弗死 一
Divined on Yi, tested: Trader Zhu, [207] having mouth (sickness),[208] is not going to die from it. 1

102.2

乙卜貞中周又(有)口弗死 一
Divined on Yi, tested: Zhong Zhou, having mouth (sickness), is not going to die from it. 1

102.3

乙卜貞二卜又(有)求(咎)隹(唯)見今又(有)心(鬼)亡(戾) 一
Divined on Yi, tested: The second divination crack has fault, [209] it has appeared (or: been seen).[210] Presently, having a heart that is terrified,[211] there will be no misfortune.[212] 1

HYZ 103

103.1

丁卯卜雨不至于夕 一
Divined on Dingmao: Rain is not going to arrive by evening. 1

103.2

丁卯卜雨其至于夕子(占)曰其至亡戊用
Divined on Dingmao: Rain likely arrives by evening. Our lord read the crack and said, “It should arrive; it will be gone tomorrow, day Wu.” Used.

103.3

己巳卜雨不(延)
Divined on Jisi: Rain will not continue.

103.4

己巳卜雨其(延)子子[213] (占)曰其(延)夂(終)日用 一
Divined on Jisi: Rain will likely continue. Our lord read the crack and said, “It should continue to end the day.” Used. 1

103.5

己巳卜才(在) (戎)庚不雨子(占)曰其雨亡司(嗣)夕雨用 一
Divined on Jisi, at Rong: Geng day is not going to rain. Our lord read the crack and said, “It should rain; rain will not carry on into the evening.”[214] Used. 1

103.6

己巳卜才(在) (戎)其雨子(占)曰今夕其雨若己雨其于庚亡司(嗣)用 一
Divined on Jisi, at Rong: It is likely to rain. Our lord read the crack and said, “If it rains this evening, (consider it) favorable. Ji day rain is not likely to carry on into into the next day, Geng.” Used. 1

HYZ 104

104.1

庚 二
Day Geng...2

104.2

二_2

HYZ 105

105.1

壬卜 一
Divined on Ren …1

105.2

壬卜
Divined on Ren …

105.3 一

二_12

105.4

用
Used.

105.5

用
Used.

105.6

壬卜土
Divined on Ren …(male animal?) …

105.7

(殺)
…kill …

105.8

一_1

105.9

癸卜 一
Divined on Gui…1

105.10

用 一
Used. 1

105.11

一_1

105.12

用
Used.

HYZ 106

106.1

乙卜匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Yi…Ancestress Geng...1

106.2

丁(禦)于史伐子 一
…day Ding…make an exorcism rite for Officer[215]…behead…announce by written record...Child.[216] 1

106.3

丁卜 一
Divined on Ding…1

106.4

…ram…

106.5

用 一
Used. 1

106.6

匕(妣)庚 一
…Ancestress Geng…1

106.7

匕(妣)庚
…Ancestress Geng…

106.8

壬卜于日(稱) (殺)牝匕(妣)庚入又(有)圅于丁用 一
Divined on Ren: By sunrise, kill some cows (for) Ancestress Geng (and) contribute the tongues[217] to His Highness. Used. 1

HYZ 107

107.1

弜(勿)示 一
Do not submit (anything). 1

HYZ 108

108.1

辛丑卜子妹其隻(獲)狼(孚)一
Divined on Xinchou: Our lord is still not likely to catch wolves. Trusted. 1

108.2

辛丑卜叀(惠)今逐狼 一二
Divined on Xinchou: It should be today to pursue wolves. 12

108.3

辛丑卜于翌逐狼 一二
Divined on Xinchou: By tomorrow pursue wolves. 12

108.4

辛丑卜其逐狼隻(獲) 一
Divined on Xinchou: If pursuing wolves, (we) will make a catch. 1

108.5

辛丑卜其逐狼弗其隻(獲) 一
Divined on Xinchou: If pursuing wolves, (we) are not likely to make a catch. 1

108.6

辛丑卜壬子其以[中]周于(戎)子曰不其□[ ](孚) 一
Divined on Xinchou: Tomorrow, Ren, our lord should lead [Zhong] Zhou into Rong. Our lord said, “Is not likely ….” [Trusted]. 1

HYZ 109

109.1

卜子乎(呼)又□先于用 一
…divined: Our lord will call the right...go first to Fu. Used. 1

HYZ 110

110.1

戊申卜其 二
Divined on Wushen: Should…2

110.2

庚申卜引其死 一二
Divined on Gengshen: Yin will likely die.[218] 12

110.3

庚申卜貞 一
Divined on Gengshen, tested…1

HYZ 111

111.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 112

112.1

五旬
Five weeks.

HYZ 113

113.1

子隻(獲) 一
Lord Hu’s[219] catch will be sent.[220] 1

113.2

子隻(獲)弗 一
Lord Hu’s catch is not going to be sent. 1

113.3

子隻(獲)弗 二
Lord Hu’s catch is not going to be sent. 2

113.4

子隻(獲)弗 三
Lord Hu’s catch is not going to be sent. 3

113.5

(速)丁 一
Invite His Highness. 1

113.6

弜(勿) (速)丁 一
Do not invite His Highness. 1

113.7

(殺) 迺(速)丁 一
Kill pen-raised sheep, (and) then invite His Highness. 1

113.8

(速)丁 二
Invite His Highness. 2

113.9

弜(勿) (速)丁 二
Do not invite His Highness. 2

113.10

乙卜丁又(有)鬼夢亡(戾) 一
Divined on Yi: His Highness had a demon dream; there will be no misfortune. 1

113.11

丁又(有)鬼夢燮才(在)田 一
His Highness had a demon dream; (there will be an) attack[221] in the fields. 1

113.14

多(左)才(在)田肩若 一
(There will be) much opposition in the fields;[222](we/they) can do well.[223] 1

113.12

丙卜貞多尹亡(戾) 一
Divined on Bing, tested: The Many Commanders[224] will have no misfortune. 1

113.13

貞多尹亡(害) 一
Tested: The Many Commanders will have no harm. 1

113.17

四十牛匕(妣)庚囟(思)[ (禱)]其于(狩)若
Announce by written record (sacrifice of) forty head of cattle (to) Ancestress Geng; would that[225] prayers about the hunt be favorable.[226]

113.15

面多尹四十牛匕(妣)庚 三
(Our lord/I) will be in person[227] (for the registration rite of the) Many Commanders’ forty head of cattle (to) Ancestress Geng. [228] 3

113.16

五十牛入于丁 一
Fifty head of cattle will be contributed to His Highness. 1

113.18

三十牛入 一
Thirty head of cattle will be contributed. 1

113.19

三十豕入 一
Thirty pigs will be contributed. 1

113.20

(剬)人(虣)于若 一
The Cutters[229] will hunt strong-armed,[230] (for) in (that) will be favorable. 1

113.21

丙入肉 一
On Bing, contribute meat. 1

113.22

弜(勿)入肉 一
Do not contribute meat. 1

113.23

己卜貞子亡不若 一
Divined on Ji, tested: Our lord will not have anything that is not favorable. 1

113.24

庚卜子興又(有)疾子囗叀(惠)自 三
Divined on Geng: Lord Xing has illness.[231] Our lord will…it should be from Bing (or: starting at day Bing). [3232]

113.25

夕用五羊辛迺用五豕 一
In the evening use five sheep, (and) on day Xin then use five pigs. 1

113.27

叀(惠)三牛于匕(妣)庚 二
It should be three head of cattle to Ancestress Geng. 2

113.26

傳五牛(酒)發(以)[生]于庚 四
Transfering five head of cattle, make ale libation, (and) Fa will take [newborns][233] by day Geng. 4

113.28

其乍(作)官(館) (罩魚)東 三
Should build a guest residence east of the fishing area. 3

HYZ 114

114.1

丙卜子其(畏)于歲(禦)史 一
Divined on Bing: Our lord should strike fear into defense officers[234] in Sui.[235] 1

114.2

丙卜子弜(勿) (畏)于歲(禦)史 一
Divined on Bing: Our lord ought not strike fear into defense officers in Sui. 1

114.3

己卯卜才(在) (柚)子其入若
Divined on Jimao, at You: If our lord enters Jiu*,[236] (it) will be favorable.

114.4

二_2

HYZ 115

115.1

乙未卜 一
Divined on Yiwei...1

115.2

乙巳歲且(祖)乙牢牝(刏)于匕(妣)庚小 一
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi pen-raised pen-raised cows; smear the blood[237] (of) small pen-raised sheep to Ancestress Geng. 1

115.3

甲寅歲且(祖)甲牝歲且(祖)乙白豕歲匕(妣)庚且(祖)甲(刏) (剟)卯 二
On Jiayin, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some cows; sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some pen-raised sheep, (and) white pigs; and sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pen-raised sheep. (To) Ancestor Jia, (we) smeared (cow’s) blood, chopped,[238] and butchered (them). 2

115.4

叀(惠) 三
It should be...3

HYZ 116

116.1

弜(勿) (戎) 一
Ji ought not strike.[239] 1

HYZ 117

117.1

其(延)疾 一
Might continue to be sick. 1

HYZ 118

118.1

壬午卜引其死才(在) (圉)亡其史(使) 二
Divined on Renwu: If Yin dies while being in imprisonment,[240] there is not likely to be a dispatch. 2

HYZ 119

119.1

朕
Zhen[241]

HYZ 120

120.1

牛 一
...cattle... 1

120.2

乙卜匕(妣)庚
Divined on Yi...Ancestress Geng.

120.3

丙卜 二
Divined on Bing... 2

120.4

丁入
On Ding...enter...

120.5

牛 一
...cattle... 1

120.6

子
...our lord...

120.7

二十黑
...twenty black...

HYZ 121

121.1

[reading uncertain][242]

HYZ 122

122.1

丁□子亦隹(唯)衍(侃)于叜 [气(乞)]丁(王婦)
On Ding...our lord, also, will be happy about builders[243] [requested][244] (from) His Highness’ Majestic Lady.[245]

122.2

(金)子貞其又(有) (艱) 一
Jin, our lord,[246] tested: Will likely have affliction. 1

HYZ 123 + Jiyi 561[247]

123.1

庚申卜，曰己其至艱，貞：其允。一
Divining on Gengshen, (it) was uttered, “Day Ji is likely to (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction.” Tested: It is really likely to. 1

123.2

不允至。一
It is not really going to reach (this point). 1

123.3

辛酉昃歲匕(妣)庚黑牝一子祝 一二三
In the late afternoon of Xinyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one black cow (and) our lord will pray. 123

123.4

辛酉昃歲匕(妣)庚黑牝一子祝 一二三
In the late afternoon of Xinyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one black cow (and) our lord will pray. 123

123.5

辛酉卜子其(殺)黑牝隹(唯)徝(往)不雨用匕(妣)庚 一二三
Divined on Xinyou: Our lord shall kill some black cows. It being for an examination (or: site visit) that he goes, it will not rain. Used. Ancestress Geng…[248] 123

HYZ 124

124.1

戊卜(丙)又(有)二羊 一
Divined on Wu: On Bing, add (or: have) two sheep. 1

124.2

(丙)又(有) 一
On Bing, add (or: have) (something). 1

124.3

叀(惠)小豭一 一
It should be one small boar. 1

124.4

戊卜弜(勿)[又(有)] 一
Divined on Wu: Do not [add (or: have)] (anything). 1

124.5

弜(勿)又(有) 二
Do not add (or: have) (anything). 2

124.7

戊卜子入二弓 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord will contribute two bows. 1

124.8

戊卜二弓以子田若 一
Divined on Wu: Two bows brought for our lord to hunt will be favorable. 1

124.9

戊卜子夢狀亡(艱) 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord has dreamt of his image; there will be no affliction. [249] 1

124.10

子夢狀 一
Our lord has dreamt of his image... 1

124.11

子夢狀用牡告又(有)鬯匕(妣)庚 一
Our lord has dreamt of his image. Use bulls, announce it, (and) have aromatic ale (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

124.6

戊卜[于]多母興其
Divined on Wu: [To] the Many Mothers, Xing should…

124.12

匕(妣)庚求(咎)
Ancestress Geng’s fault.

124.13

一_1

124.14

辛卜其(速)丁 一二
Divined on Xin: Should invite His Highness. 12

124.15

弜(勿) (速)丁 一二
Do not invite His Highness. 12

124.16

甲卜翌日乙其(厚)丁衍(侃) 一二
Divined on Ji: Tomorrow, if (contributing) thick (jade circlets), His Highness will be happy.[250] 12

HYZ 125

125.1

丁卜子令庚又(有)又(有)女(母)乎(呼)求囟子人子曰不于戊其于壬人 一
Divined on Ding: Our lord commanding, (on) day Geng, to make offerings to the Mothers,[251] will call to search for skulls (from amongst) the lord of Suo’s men.[252] Our lord said, “It will not be by day Wu, (but) it will likely be by day Ren (that) men (are found).” 1

125.2

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 126

126.1

貞又馬其死 一
Tested: The horse (or: These horses) might die. 1

HYZ 127

127.1

衍(侃) 一二
Happy. 12

127.2

不 一
Not. 1

127.4 +6

衍(侃) 三四
Happy. 34

127.3 +5

不衍(侃) 二三
Not happy.[253] 23

HYZ 128

128.1

匕(妣)庚用 一
...Ancestress Geng...Used. 1

128.2

二牛
...two head of cattle.

128.3

壬卜又(有)
Divined on Ren...have...

HYZ 129

129.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 130

130.1

己卯卜子用我瑟若弜(勿)屯(純) 用衍(侃)舞商 一
Divined on Jimao: Our lord using our zither players[254] will be favorable; not solely using Hu’s will bring happiness. Danced to “Shang”. 1

130.2

屯(純) 瑟不用 一
Only Hu’s zither players. Not used. 1

HYZ 131

131.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 132

132.1

庚戌卜辛亥歲匕(妣)庚廌牝一匕(妣)庚衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Gengxu: On Xinhai, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some antelope (and) one cow; Ancestress Geng will be happy. Used. 1

132.2

辛亥歲匕(妣)庚廌牝一齒(禦)歸 一
On Xinhai, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some antelope (and) one cow (for our lord’s) tooth exorcism,[255] and return.[256] 1

132.3

辛亥歲匕(妣)庚廌牝一齒(禦)歸 二
On Xinhai, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some antelope (and) one cow (for our lord’s) tooth exorcism, and return. 2

HYZ 133

133.1

史入
Shi contributes.[257]

HYZ 134

134.1

乍 一
Make... 1

134.2

乍入 一二
Make...Ru. 12

HYZ 135

135.1

用
Used.

135.2

己卜匕(妣)庚
Divined on Ji...Ancestress Geng...

135.3

用 一
Used. 1

135.4

卜
...divined...

135.5

辛卜子其
Divined on Xin: Our lord should...

135.6

于子
...to Child...

135.7

一
...1

135.8

(刮) 一
...carve...1

135.9

壬卜
Divined on Ren...

135.10

壬
Day Ren...

135.11

入告
...enter (and) announce...

HYZ 136

136.1

丁未歲匕(妣)丁彘一 一
On Dingwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding one wild boar. 1

136.2

立若 一
...position, (for it) will be favorable...1

HYZ 137-HYZ 138

137.1

丙(往) 一
On Bing, go [unclear meaning]. 1

137.2

弜(勿) (往)
Do not go [unclear meaning].

137.3

叀(惠) (州)口用 一
Let it be the mouth of the islet that is used to [unclear meaning]. 1

137.4

羌入乃叀(惠)入炋用 一
When Qiang are entered, it should be Ru’s that Ji Nai [uncertain meaning]. Used. 1

138.1

十
Kan, ten. [258]

HYZ 139

139.1

乙卜季母亡不若 一二
Divined on Yi: Jimu[259] will not have anything unfavorable (happen to her). 12

139.2

乙夕卜丙不雨 一
Divined on evening of Yi: Day Bing is not going to rain. 1

139.3

丁卜日雨 一
Divined on Ding: It is going to rain during the day. 1

139.4

丁卜不雨 一
Divined on Ding: It is not going to rain. 1

139.5

己卜叀(惠)二牡 一
Divined on Ji: It should be two bulls. 1

139.6

己卜叀(惠)廌牛匕(妣)庚 三
Divined on Ji: It should be antelope, cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 3

139.7

庚卜才(在) (敦)叀(惠)牛匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Geng, at Dun:[260] It should be some cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 2

139.8

辛卜其宜叀(惠)豕 一
Divined on Xin: When making (or: providing) viands, it should be pig. 1

139.9

辛卜其宜叀(惠)大
Divined on Xin: If making (or: providing) viands, it should be pigs contributed by Da.[261]

139.10

辛宜匕(妣)庚 一
On Xin, make (or: provide) ewe viands (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

139.11

歲匕(妣)庚 一
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some sows. 1

139.12

歲匕(妣)庚 二
Sacrifice (to) Ancestor Geng some sows. 2

HYZ 140

140.1

叀(惠)□ (殺) 一
It should be...that are killed. 1

140.2

乙卜子(金) 二
Divined on Yi: Lord Jin. 2

140.3

丁卜豕宜用 一
Divined on Ding: Pig viands. Used. 1

140.4

丁卜子(金) 一
Divined on Ding: Lord Jin...1

140.5

丁
...Ding...

140.6

丁卜
Divined on Ding...

140.7

卜子(金)
Divined...: Lord Jin...

HYZ 141

141.1

用 一
Used. 1

141.2

用 一
Used. 1

141.3

用 一
Used. 1

141.4

二_2

HYZ 142

142.1

甲戌其[祝]叀(惠)豖用
On Jiaxu, When [praying], it should be (about) castrated pigs. Used.

142.2

一_1

142.3

祝于白一牛用升歲且(祖)乙用子祝 一二三
Pray about the white single head of cattle that will be used, ascending to sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi.[262] Used. Our lord prayed. 123

142.4

祝于二牢用升歲且(祖)乙用子祝 一二三
Pray about the two head of pen-raised cattle that will be used, ascending to sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi. Used. Our lord prayed. 123

142.5

乙亥升歲且(祖)乙二牢勿(物)牛白豭鬯一子祝 二三
On Yihai, ascend and sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi two head of pen-raised cattle, some variegated cattle, and some white boars, offer one bowl of aromatic ale, (and) our lord will pray. 23

142.6

戊子歲匕(妣)庚一犬 一二
On Wuzi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one dog.[263] 12

142.7

辛卯宜豕一才(在)入 一二
On Xinmao, make viands (from) one pig. At Ru. 12

142.8

丁壬午丁各用 二三四
...His Highness. On day Renwu, His Highness will arrive. Used. 234

142.9

[子]祝
...[our lord] will pray.

HYZ 143

143.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

143.2

子貞 二
Our lord tested. 2

HYZ 144

144.1

母(毋) 一
Must not. [1264]

144.2

己未南三日又(有)至 一
On Jiwei, in three days there will be an arrival (in/from) the south. 1

144.3

三伐
Three beheadings.

144.4

五伐
Five beheadings.[265]

144.5

西
West.

144.6

西
West.

HYZ 145

145.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 146

146.1

卯
Mao

146.2

己酉卜今月丁(往) 一
Divined on Jiyou: This month His Highness will go to Fu*. 1

146.3

今月丁不(往) 一
This month His Highness will not go to Fu*. 1

146.4

Divined on Gengxu: Should request piebald horses to trade.[266] 1

146.5

Divined on Gengxu: Do not request piebald horses. 1

146.6

Divined on Gengxu: Should request piebald horses to trade. 2

HYZ 147

147.1

丙卜貞(瞿) 一
Divining on Bing, tested: (about) lances.[267] 1

147.2

用 二
Used. 2

147.3

一_1

HYZ 148

148.1

甲卜叀(惠)
Divined on Jia: It should be...

148.2

甲卜
Divined on Jia...

148.3

甲卜
Divined on Jia...

148.4

甲卜匕(妣)庚
Divined on Jia...Ancestress Geng...

148.5

甲卜 一
Divined on Jia... 1

148.6

(既令)
…after commanding…

148.7

一_1

148.8

丙卜又(有)□子 一
Divined on Bing: Have...Child... 1

148.9

□卜 一
Divined... 1

148.10

入豕
...contribute pigs...

HYZ 149

149.1

甲午歲且(祖)甲牝一鬯一□祝大牝一 一二三
On Jiawu, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one cow, offer one bowl of aromatic ale… prays. One large cow. 123

149.2

己亥卜叀(惠)今夕爯(稱)琡(璋)若衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Jihai: It should be this evening that some large jade tablets and arc-ended jade tablets are held up, (for it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. Used. 1

149.3

己亥卜子夢[夕]見子琡[亡]至(艱) 一
Divined on Jihai: Our lord dreamt that [in the evening] [268] appeared our lord’s large jade tablets. It [will not have] (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 1

149.4

丁未卜其(禦)自且(祖)甲且(祖)乙至匕(妣)庚二牢麥(來)自皮(彼)鼎(酒)興用 一二三
Divined on Dingwei: If making an exorcism rite from Ancestor Jia (and) Ancestor Yi down to Ancestress Geng, announce by written record (sacrifice of) two head of pen-raised cattle; returning from that, [269] make caldron offering and an ale libation, (for) Xing. Used. 123

149.5

于麥(來)自伐迺(殺)牝于且(祖)甲用 一
Upon returning from making beheading(s), then kill some cows (for) Ancestor Jia. Used. 1

149.6

庚戌卜[雨] (禦)宜壬子(延) (酒)若用 一
Divined on Gengxu: Make a [rain] exorcism rite and a viand offering, (and) on upcoming Renzi continue to make the ale libation, (for it) will be favorable. Used. 1

149.7

庚戌卜子于辛亥告亞休若用 一
Divined on Gengxu: Our lord, by Xinhai, will report that Ya-officers rest, (for it) will be favorable. Used. 1

149.8

辛亥卜子告又(有)口疾匕(妣)庚亡 一二
Divined on Xinhai: Our lord will report there is mouth sickness to Ancestress Geng, (but) will not announce anything by written record. 12

149.9

甲寅歲白 一
On Jiayin, sacrifice some white sows. 1

149.10

甲寅歲且(祖)甲白豭鬯一又(有) (登) 一
On Jiayin, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some white boars, offer one bowl of aromatic ale, (and) have (>add) a (cereal) raising. 1

149.11

癸亥卜子(迄)用(丙)吉弓射若 一
Divined on Guihai: Our lord finally[270] uses Bing’s best bow(s) to shoot,
it) will be favorable. 1

149.12

甲戌歲且(祖)甲牢幽廌且(祖)甲衍(侃)子用 一二
On Jiaxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia pen-raised cattle (and) dark-red antelope; Ancestor Jia will be happy (with) our lord. Used. 12

HYZ 150

150.1

甲辰夕歲 一
On the evening of Jiachen, sacrifice...1

150.2

己酉夕翌日(刮)匕(妣)庚黑牡一 一二三四五
On the evening of Jiyou, carve one black bull for the Yi-day rite (to) Ancestress Geng. 12345

150.3

甲寅卜乙卯子其學商丁衍(侃)用子髀 一
Divined on Jiayin: On Yimao, if our lord practices “Shang”, His Highness will be happy. Used. Lord Bi.[271] 1

150.4

甲寅卜丁衍(侃)于子學商用 一
Divined on Jiayin: His Highness will be happy about our lord’s practicing “Shang”. Used. 1

150.5

丙辰卜(延)奏商用 一
Divined on Bingchen: Continue to perform “Shang”. Used.[272] 1

HYZ 151

151.1

庚 一
On Geng...1

HYZ 152

152.1

友貞子(金) 一
You tested: (about) Lord Jin. 1

HYZ 153

153.1

其 三
...should...3

153.2

其
...should...

153.3

癸□其于
Gui...should...to...

153.4

鼎
...caldron...

HYZ 154

154.1

辛酉卜丁先(狩)迺又(有)伐 一
Divined on Xinyou: His Highness first hunts, then has a beheading. 1

154.2

辛酉卜丁其先又(有)伐迺出(狩) 一
Divined on Xinyou: His Highness is likely to first have a beheading, and then exit to hunt. 1

HYZ 155-HYZ 156

155.1

一_1

155.2

至于又
...arriving...to...

155.3

二
...pen-raised sheep...2

155.4

二
...2

155.5

丁小(艱)亡 一
His Highness’ minor affliction will not have... [273] 1

155.6

一
...1

156.1

(禦)[ (鬼)]
Exorcise [the demon].[274]

HYZ 157

157.1

己巳卜[子]其告[ (戎)]既[ (率)]丁若 一
Divined on Jisi: [Our lord] should report (that) [Rong] [is] already [under control] (to) His Highness,[275] (for it) will be favorable. 1

157.2

戠(待)弜(勿)告 一
Wait, do not report (it). 1

157.3

甲戌卜鬯甲且(祖)一用
Divined on Jiaxu: Offer aromatic ale (to) Jia-day Ancestor, one bowl.[276] Used.

157.4

甲戌卜鬯且(祖)甲二用
Divined on Jiaxu: Offer aromatic ale to Ancestor Jia, two bowls. Used.

157.5

丁丑歲匕(妣)丁小 一二
On Dingchou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding some small pen-raised sheep. 12

157.6

丁丑歲匕(妣)丁小 一二三
On Dingchou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding some small pen-raised sheep. 123

157.7

己卯卜貞不死子曰其死 一
Divined on Jimao, tested: Qiu is not going to die. Our lord said, “Likely dies.” 1

157.9

貞其死一
Tested: Might die. 1

157.8

己卯卜貞不死子曰其死
Divining on Jimao, tested: Qiu is not going to die. Our lord said, “Likely dies.”

157.10

貞其死 一
Tested: Might die. 1

157.11

辛巳卜我丁(殺)用 一
Divined on Xinsi: We [unclear meaning]…His Highness will kill (it). Used. 1

HYZ 158

158.1

三十
Thirty

HYZ 159

159.1

癸未卜今月六日于生月又(有)至南子(占)曰其又(有)至月 (亂(攣)) 一
Divined on Guiwei: From the sixth day of this month...until the growing (> new) month, there will be an arrival south. Our lord read the crack and said, “Should have an arrival (at) the intersection of the months; [277] (there will be captives) linked and bound up.[278] 1

159.2

癸未卜亡其至南 一
Divined on Guiwei: Not likely to have arrival south (by this time). 1

HYZ 160

160.1

隹(唯)
...it is...

160.2

子亡(害) 一
Our lord will have no harm. 1

160.3

用
Used.

160.4

一_1

HYZ 161

161.1

辛未歲且(祖)乙黑牡一鬯一子祝曰毓且(祖)非曰云兕正且(祖)隹(唯)曰彔(侐)不又(有) (擾) 一
On Xinwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black bull, offer one bowl of aromatic ale (and) our lord will pray, saying, “Near Ancestor! (I) am not saying (I) Cloud Buffalo rectify (my) Ancestor. (I) am saying, (in) the evening be calm! Disturb (me) no more!” [279] 1

161.2

乙亥夕歲且(祖)乙黑牝一子祝 一
On the evening of Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black cow (and) our lord will pray. 1

HYZ 162

162.1

戊卜叀(惠)奠(禦) (往)匕(妣)己 一
Divined on Wu: It should be Dian’s exorcism that is directed (to) Ancestress Ji. 1.

162.2

[戊]卜叀(惠)奠(禦) (往)匕(妣)己 二
Divined on [Wu]: It should be Dian’s exorcism that is directed (to) Ancestress Ji. 2

162.3

歲匕(妣)庚 三
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some sows. 3

162.4

己卜自又(有)二且(祖) (禦)[雨] 一
Divined on Ji: Starting from these two Ancestors,[280] make a [rain] exorcism. 1

HYZ 163 + 506

163+506.1

庚午卜才(在) (禦)子齒于匕(妣)庚[ ]牢勿(物)牝白豕用 一二
Divined on Gengwu, at Fu: Make an exorcism (for) our lord’s tooth to Ancestress Geng, (and) [announce by written record] (sacrifice of) pen-raised cattle, variegated cows, and white pigs. Used. 12

163+

506.2 庚午卜才(在) 子其又(有)齒于匕(妣)庚牢勿(物)牝白豕至一用 一二
Divined on Gengwu, at Fu: If our lord makes offerings (for) the tooth to Ancestress Geng, announce by written record (sacrifice of) pen-raised cattle, variegated cows, and white pigs down to one sow. Used. 12

HYZ 164

164.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 165

165.1

子又(有)夢隹(唯)□吉 一
Our lord having a dream means (> spells)...good luck. 1

165.2

貞 二
Tested. 2

165.3

貞臽(陷)亡(艱) 一
Tested: Will fall into danger, [281] (but) there will be no affliction. 1

165.4

亡(艱) 二
There will be no affliction. 2

HYZ 166

166.1

丁
Day Ding...

166.2

die*…

166.3

二
2

166.4

叀(惠)三 一二
It should be three...12

166.5

戊癸
Day Wu...Gui...

166.6

一二三四_1234

166.7

一_1

HYZ 167

167.1

丁未歲匕(妣)丁一 一二三
On Dingwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding one sow. 123

HYZ 168

168.1

其又(有)賈馬[于]新 一
Will likely have tradeable horses [in] Xin. 1

168.2

其又(有) 于賈視 一
Will likely have black horses with light-brown manes to be inspected by
the trader. 1

HYZ 169

169.1

甲辰卜丁各夨(昃)于我[翌日]于大甲 一
Divined on Jiachen: His Highness will arrive in the late afternoon to us, [Yi rite day] for Da Jia. 1

169.2

甲辰卜歲且(祖)乙牢叀(惠)牡 一二
Divined on Jiachen: Sacrificing (to) Ancestor Yi some pen-raised cattle, it should be bulls. 12

HYZ 170

170.1

癸丑宜鹿才(在)入 一
On Guichou, make (or: provide) deer viands. At Ru. 1

170.2

甲寅歲且(祖)甲白豭鬯一(登)自西祭 一
On Jiayin, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some white boars, offer one bowl of aromatic ale, (and) raise sacrificial items originating from the west. 1

170.3

甲寅才(在)入(登)用
On Jiayin, at Ru, raise (sacrificial items originating from the west). Used.

170.4

甲寅歲且(祖)甲白一 一
On Jiayin, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one white sow. 1

170.5

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 171

171.1

[乙]巳(刮)且(祖)乙□牝一才(在) 由 一
On [Yi]si, carve Ancestor Yi…one cow. At Fu. From...1

171.2

乙巳歲且(祖)乙三[豕]子祝(登) [ (黍)]才(在)□ 二
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi three [pigs], our lord will pray, (and) raise [millet]. At...2

HYZ 172

172.1

封十
Feng, ten

HYZ 173

173.1

朕
Zhen

173.2

丙申卜[丁] 子(占)曰其(賓) (孚)
Divined on Bingshen: [His Highness]...Yi rite. Our lord read the crack and said, “Will likely host. Trust (it).”

173.3

丙申卜子(占)曰亦叀(惠) (茲) (孚)亡(賓)
Divined on Bingshen.[282] Our lord read the crack and said, “Also, it should be this that is trusted. There will not be a hosting.”

173.4

丙申卜子其(往) (殺)匕(妣)庚用羊 一二
Divined on Bingshen: When our lord goes to Fu to make a killing (for) Ancestress Geng, use sheep. 12

173.5

丙申卜子(往) 歲匕(妣)庚羊一才(在) 一二
Divined on Bingshen: Our lord will go to Fu and sacrifice one sheep (to) Ancestress Geng. At Fu. 12

173.6

丙申卜子其(往)于衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Bingshen: If our lord goes to Fu, (it) will bring happiness. Used. 1

HYZ 174

174.1

貞 一
Tested: (about) Suo. 1

174.2

貞發 一
Tested: (about) Fa. 1

HYZ 175

175.1

辛酉昃歲匕(妣)庚黑牝一子祝 一二
In the late afternoon of Xinyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one cow (and) our lord will pray. 12

HYZ 176

176.1

丁丑卜子(禦)于匕(妣)甲牛一又鬯一□巛(災)入商(酒)才(在)
一二三四五六七八九十
Divined on Dingchou: Our lord will make an exorcism to Ancestress Jia, (and) announce by written record (the sacrificial offerings of) one head of cattle and one bowl of aromatic ale;…calamity to enter Shang and make the ale libation. At Lu. [283] 12345678910

176.2

丁丑卜子(禦)匕(妣)甲牛一鬯一用 一
Divined on Dingchou: Our lord will make an exorcism (to) Ancestress Jia, (and) announce by written record (the sacrificial offerings of) one head of cattle (and) one bowl of aromatic ale. Used. 1

176.3

乙酉歲
On Yiyou, sacrifice...

HYZ 177

177.1

鳥
Bird[284]

HYZ 178

178.1

庚子卜子(餉)叀(惠) (厚)眔良(琅) (肇)用 一
Divined on Gengzi: When our lord has the meal delivered, it should be thick circlets*[285] together with beads[286] that are dispensed.[287] Used. 1

178.2

庚子卜子(餉)叀(惠) (厚)眔良(琅) (肇)用 一
Divined on Gengzi: When our lord has the meal delivered, it should be thick circlets* together with stone beads that are dispensed. Used. 1

178.3

庚子卜子(餉)叀(惠) (厚)眔良(琅) (肇)用 二三
Divined on Gengzi: When our lord has the meal delivered, it should be thick circlets* together with stone beads that are dispensed. Used. 23

178.4

癸卯夕歲匕(妣)庚黑牝一才(在)入陟衁 一二三四五六[288]
In the evening of Guimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Geng one black cow. At Ru. Ascended and offered (its) blood.[289] 123456

178.5

陟衁用 一
Will ascend and offer (its) blood. Used. 1

178.6

乙巳卜 一
Divined on Yisi. 1

178.7

乙巳卜 一
Divined on Yisi. 1

178.8

己酉夕伐羌一才(在)入庚戌宜一牢發 一
On the evening of Jiyou, behead one Qiang. At Ru. On Gengxu, made (or: provided) meat viands from one head of pen-raised cattle, and shot.[290] 1

178.9

己酉夕伐羌一才(在)入 一
On the evening Jiyou, behead one Qiang. At Ru. 1

178.10

庚戌歲匕(妣)庚一 一
On Gengxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe.[291] 1

178.11

庚戌宜一牢才(在)入發 一二
On Gengxu, make (or: provide) viands from one head of pen-raised cattle. At Ru. Shot. 12

178.12

庚戌宜一牢才(在)入發 一
On Gengxu, make (or: provide) viands from one head of pen-raised cattle. At Ru. Shot. 1

178.13

庚戌卜其畀尹酉(酒)若 一
Divined on Gengxu: If giving Suo’s* Commander[292] ale,(it) will be favorable. 1

HYZ 179

179.1

己亥卜其又(有)至(艱) 一
Divined on Jihai: Might have (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 1

179.2

甲辰卜歲萈友彘且(祖)甲叀(惠)子祝用 一
Divined on Jiachen: When sacrificing some mountain rams[293] (and) pairing them with some wild boars (to) Ancestor Jia, it should be our lord who prays. Used. 1

179.3

丙午卜其敕火匄賈(騅)用 一
Divined on Bingwu: Should order Huo to request to trade piebald horses. Used. 1

179.4

弜(勿)匄 一
Do not make (this) request. 1

179.5

丁未卜叀(惠) 乎(呼)匄賈(騅)
Divined on Dingwei: It should be Shao who is called to request to trade piebald horses.

179.6

叀(惠) 乎(呼)匄賈(騅) 一
It should be Geng* who is called to request to trade piebald horses. 1

179.7

弜(勿)匄黑馬用 一
Do not request black horses. Used. 1

HYZ 180

180.1

甲子丁[各]子爯(稱) 一
On Jiazi, His Highness [arrives]; our lord will hold up...1

180.2

甲子卜乙子(肇)丁璧眔琡 一
Divined on Jiazi: On an Yi day, our lord will dispense (to) His Highness jade circlets together with large jade tablets. 1

180.3

叀(惠)黃璧眔 一
It should be earthen-colored jade circlets together with serrated jade circlets. 1

180.4

乙丑卜子弜(勿) (速)丁用 一二
Divined on Yichou: Our lord should not invite His Highness. Used. 12

180.5

□
(殺) (刮)且(祖)乙牢牝一
...kill
(and) carve for Ancestor Yi one pen-raised cow. 1

180.6

庚午歲匕(妣)庚牝一 一
On Gengwu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one cow. 1

180.7

辛未歲且(祖)甲黑牡一日雨 一二
On Xinwei, (we) will sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one black bull; it will rain during the day. 12

HYZ 181

181.1

甲卜子其(延)休乙若 一
Divined on Jia: If our lord continues to rest, tomorrow day Yi will be favorable.[294] 1

181.2

甲卜子其(延)休乙若 二
Divined on Jia: If our lord continues to rest, tomorrow day Yi will be favorable. 2

181.3

甲卜子其(往)田曰又(有)求非(虞) 一二
Divined on Jia: If our lord goes to hunt, saying there is a need, (it) is not cause to be upset.[295] 12

181.4

甲卜戠(待)□ 一
Divined on Jia: Wait... 1

181.5

甲卜弜(勿)戠(待)戠(待)祼子其(往)田 一二
Divined on Jia: Do not wait. Wait for the ale libation. Our lord should go hunt.[296] 12

181.6

己卜其又(有)匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: Should have offerings to Ancestress Geng. 1

181.7

己卜弜(勿)又(有)于匕(妣)庚其(忒) (拔) 一
Divined on Ji: Not having offerings to Ancestress Geng, (we) should change[297] (from performing) “Uproot”.[298] 1

181.8

己卜叀(惠)多臣(禦) (往)于匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: It should be the exorcism for the Many Servitors that is directed to Ancestress Geng. 1

181.9

己卜叀(惠)白豕于匕(妣)庚又鬯 一
Divined on Ji: It should be white pigs for Ancestress Geng, in addition to aromatic ale. 1

181.10

叀(惠)牝于匕(妣)庚 一
It should be cows for Ancestress Geng. 1

181.11

歲牡于匕(妣)庚又鬯 一
Sacrifice some bulls to Ancestress Geng (and) add (or: have) aromatic ale. 1

181.12

歲牡于匕(妣)庚又鬯 二
Sacrifice some bulls to Ancestress Geng (and) add (or: have) aromatic ale. 2

181.13

歲牡于匕(妣)庚[又]鬯 三
Sacrifice some bulls to Ancestress Geng (and) [add (or: have)] aromatic ale. 3

181.14

己卜子其疫弜(勿) (往)學 一
Divined on Ji: If our lord is sick (or: fatigued), (he) ought not go practice. 1

181.15

己卜丁各叀(惠) (新)□舞丁衍(侃) 一
Divined on Ji: When His Highness arrives, it should be the new...danced; His Highness will be happy. 1

181.16

己卜叀(惠)三于匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: It should be three rams to Ancestress Geng. 1

181.17

己卜丁(虞)不(陷*) 一二
Divined on Ji: His Highness will be upset that there will not be a sacrificial burial*. 12

181.18

己卜叀(惠) (餗) 一
Divined on Ji: It should be stew.[299] 1

181.19

庚卜子心疾亡(延) 一
Divined on Geng: Our lord’s heart illness will not persist. 1

181.20

辛卜其(禦)子馘于匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Xin: Should make the exorcism (for) lord Guo to Ancestress Geng. 1

181.21

叀(惠) (服) (禦)子馘匕(妣)庚 一
It should be prisoners (that are used) when making the exorcism (for) lord Guo (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

181.22

辛卜其(禦)子馘于匕(妣)己眔匕(妣)丁 一
Divined on Xin: Should make the exorcism (for) lord Guo to Ancestress Ji together with Ancestress Ding. 1

181.23

辛卜子其舞(拔)丁衍(侃) 一
Divined on Xin: If our lord dances “Uproot”, His Highness will be happy. 1

181.24

辛卜(禦)子舞(拔) (殺)一牛匕(妣)庚又鬯 一
Divined on Xin: Making the exorcism, our lord will dance “Uproot” (and) kill one head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng, (and) announce by written record (the sacrificial offerings of) pen-raised sheep and aromatic ale. 1

181.25

辛卜(禦)子舞(拔) (殺)一牛匕(妣)庚又鬯 二三
Divined on Xin: Making the exorcism, our lord will dance “Uproot” (and) kill one head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng, (and) announce by written record (the sacrificial offerings of) pen-raised sheep and aromatic ale. 23

181.26

壬卜子舞(拔)亡言丁衍(侃) 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will dance “Uproot” without words;[300] His Highness will be happy. 1

181.27

壬卜子舞(拔)亡言丁衍(侃) 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will dance “Uproot” without words; His Highness will be happy. 1

181.28

壬卜子令 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will issue a command. 1

181.29

壬卜子令 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will issue a command. 1

181.30

壬卜子令 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will issue a command. 1

181.31

壬卜叀(惠)子興(往)于子癸 一二
Divined on Ren: It should be lord Xing who is directed to Child Gui. 12

181.34

叀(惠)豕于子癸 一
It should be pigs to Child Gui. 1

181.32

歲子癸小 一
Sacrifice (to) Child Gui some small pen-raised sheep. 1

181.33

歲子癸小 二
Sacrifice (to) Child Gui some small pen-raised sheep. 2

181.35

小卜不吉貞亡(戾)匕(妣)庚用 一
Divinations about the small pen-raised sheep are inauspicious. Tested: There will be no misfortune (from) Ancestress Geng. Used. [301] 1

HYZ 182

182.1

一二_12

182.2

二三四_234

HYZ 183-HYZ 184

183.1

丙卜丁來視子舞 一
Divined on Bing: His Highness will come to watch our lord dance. 1

183.2

丙卜用二卜五匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Bing: Use a second divination (about) making an announcement by written record (of) five pen-raised sheep (sacrifices) (to) Ancestress Geng.[302] 1

183.3

丙卜子令 一
Divined on Bing: Our lord will issue a command. 1

183.4

丙卜(餗)匕(妣)丁 一二
Divined on Bing: Stew (for) Ancestress Ding. 12

183.5

言子興 一
On Bing, have words (with/about) lord Xing. [303] 1

183.6

歲匕(妣)丁小 二
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding some small pen-raised sheep. 2

183.7

(往)于舞若丁衍(侃)
Going to dance will be favorable; His Highness will be happy.

183.8

壬卜丁(虞) (延) 一
Divined on Ren: His Highness will be upset to prolong (it). 1

183.9

壬卜丁不(虞)
Divined on Ren: His Highness will not be upset.

183.10

壬卜子(金) 一
Divined on Ren: (about) Lord Jin. 1

183.11

癸卜不(及)旬日雨 一
Divined on Gui: Within a ten-day week,[304] it will rain. 1

183.12

癸歲匕(妣)庚牡 一
On Gui, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some bulls. 1

183.13

歲匕(妣)庚豕 一
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pigs. 1

183.14

翌甲其乎(呼)多臣同 一
Tomorrow, day Jia, should call the Many Servitors to assemble.[305] 1

183.15

翌甲其乎(呼)多臣同 二
Tomorrow, day Jia, should call the Many Servitors to assemble. 2

183.16

癸卜其同我人 一
Divined on Gui: Should assemble Chuan, our men.[306] 1

183.17

癸卜我人其同
Divined on Gui: Our men should assemble Ge.[307]

183.18

癸卜我人其同 二
Divined on Gui: Our men should assemble Ge. 2

184.1

大示五
Da submits five.

HYZ 185

185.1

于□母用
...to...mother. Used.

185.2

其己
...should...Ji.

185.3

其□求
...should...seek...

HYZ 186

186.1

貞奠不死 一
Tested: Dian is not going to die. 1

HYZ 187-HYZ 188

187.1

庚
...Geng.

187.2

庚
...Geng...

187.3

(腹) (禱)匕(妣)庚 二
...stomach,[308] pray (to) Ancestress Geng. 2

187.4

丁子弜
...Ding...our lord...should not...

187.5

癸
...Gui...

188.1

□
...

HYZ 189

189.1

用 一
Used. 1

189.2

[夢] (殺)
...[dreamt]; kill...

189.3

丁 一
...Ding...1

189.4

癸卜 一
Divined on Gui...1

189.5

一_1

189.6

小 二
...small pen-raised sheep...2

189.7

丙
Bing

189.8

丁
...Ding...

189.9

用 一
Used. 1

HYZ 190

190.1

庚入二
Geng contributes two.

190.2

庚入五
Geng contributes five.[309]

HYZ 191

191.2

戊卜其日用騩不(躓) 一
Divined on Wu: If used during the daytime, a light black horse[310] will not stumble.[311] 1

191.3

弜(勿)日用不(躓) 一
Do not use during the daytime, (and) will not stumble. 1

191.4

騩其(躓) 一
A light black horse might stumble. 1

191.5

騩不(躓) 二
A light black horse will not stumble. 2

191.6

其(躓) 一
Might stumble. 1

191.7

不 (躓) 一
Will not stumble. 1

191.1

受貞 一
Shou tested (it).[312] 1

HYZ 192

192.1

[大][示]□
[Da] [submits]...

HYZ 193

193.1

乙亥子叀(惠)白(圭)爯(稱)用隹(唯)子見 一
On Yihai, it should be white pointed jade tablets that our lord holds up. Used. It was our lord who had audience.[313] 1

HYZ 194

194.1

用 一
Used. 1

HYZ 195

195.3

辛亥卜子(以)帚(婦)好入于(戎)用 一
Divined on Xinhai: Our lord will lead Lady Hao to enter into Rong. Used. 1

195.1

辛亥卜子(肇)帚(婦)好琡(往) 才(在) (戎) 一二
Divined on Xinhai: Our lord will dispense (to) Lady Hao some large jade tablets. Going to Xuan, at Rong. 12

195.2

辛亥卜乎(呼) (微)面見于帚(婦)好才(在) (戎)用 一
Divined on Xinhai: Call Wei to face and have audience about/with Lady Hao.[314] At Rong. Used. 1

195.4

辛亥卜叀(惠)入人用 一
Divined on Xinhai: It should be Ru men.[315] Used. 1

195.5

癸丑卜其(將)匕(妣)庚[示]于(戎)東官(館)用 二
Divined on Guichou: Should carry in (offerings to) Ancestress Geng’s [altar] in Rong’s eastern guesthouse. Used. 2

195.6

乙卯歲豭鬯且(祖)乙用 一二三
On Yimao, sacrifice some boars (and) offer aromatic ale (to) Ancestor Yi. Used. 123

195.7

壬戌卜才(在) (戎) (葬)韋用 一
Divined on Renxu: At Rong, bury Wei.[316] Used. 1

195.8

于襄(葬)韋不用 一
In Xiang,[317] bury Wei. Not used. 1

HYZ 196

196.1

丙午卜才(在) 子其乎(呼)肉(多)尹入(刈)衍(侃) 一
Divined on Bingwu, at Lu: If our lord calls the Many Commanders to contribute sickles,[318] it will cause happiness.[319] 1

196.2

戊申卜日用馬于之力(嘉) 一二
Divined on Wushen: Use horses during the day, (for) in that will be auspicious.
[320] 12

196.3

戊申卜弜(勿)日用馬于之力(嘉) 一二
Divined on Wushen: Do not use horses during the day, (for) in that will be power. 12

196.4

己酉歲且(祖)甲一歲[且(祖)乙] 一入自鹿 一
On Jiyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one ewe (and) sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one ewe. Entered from Lu.[321] 1

196.5

弜(勿)又(有)鬯用 一
Do not add (or: have) aromatic ale. Used. 1

196.6

庚戌歲匕(妣)庚一入自 一
On Gengxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe. Entered from Lu. 1

HYZ 197

197.1

甲卜 一二
Divined on Jia...12

197.2

甲卜庚
Divined on Jia: Geng...

197.3

辛卜子(禦) (璋)匕(妣)庚又(有)鄉(饗) 一
Divined on Xin: Our lord will make an exorcism rite (for) Zhang (to) Ancestress Geng;[322] there will be a feast.[323] 1

197.4

壬卜(禦)
Divined on Ren...exorcise...

197.5

壬卜 一
Divined on Ren...1

197.6

(刈)才(在)入
...sickle. At Ru.

197.7

[爯(稱) ]丁其 二
[Hold up] (to) His Highness...should...2

197.8

豭于匕(妣)庚
...boar to Ancestress Geng.

197.9

三_3

HYZ 198

198.1

乙亥歲且(祖)乙□ 鬯一 二
On Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi..., offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 2

198.2

辛卯卜子宜至二日用 一
Divined on Xinmao: Our lord will set out viand trays for two days. Used. 1

198.3

辛卯卜子宜至三日不用 一
Divined on Xinmao: Our lord will set out viand trays for three days. Not used. 1

198.4

辛卯卜叀(惠)口(肉)宜□ 牝亦叀(惠)牡用 一
Divined on Xinmao: It should be meat viands…female antelope and cow; furthermore, it should be bull that is used. 1

198.5

辛卯卜子宜叀(惠)幽廌用 一
Divined on Xinmao: When our lord sets out the viand trays, it should be dark red antelope that is used. 1

198.6

壬辰卜子宜又(右) (左)叀(惠)廌用中叀(惠) 用
Divined on Renchen: When our lord sets out the viand trays, right and left, it should antelope that is used; for the middle, it should be male antelope that is used.

198.7

壬辰卜子亦宜叀(惠) 于(左)又(右)用 一
Divined on Renchen: Furthermore, when our lord sets out the viand trays, it should be male antelope on the left and right that is used. 1

198.8

壬辰卜子宜叀(惠)隹□用 一
Divined on Renchen: When our lord sets out the viand trays, it should be short-tailed bird...that is used. 1

198.9

癸巳叀(惠)琡(肇)丁不用 一
On Guisi, it should be large jade tablets that are dispensed (to) His Highness. Not used. 1

198.10

癸巳卜叀(惠)璧(肇)丁 一
Divined on Guisi: It should be jade circlets that are dispensed (to) His Highness. 1

198.11

子(肇)丁璧一用 二
Our lord will dispense (to) His Highness one jade circlet. Used. 2

HYZ 199

199.1

(瘳) 一
...heal. 1

199.2

□卜首 一
...divined: Pen-raised sheep...head... 1

199.3

二_2

199.4

三_3

HYZ 200

200.1

乎用 一二
...call... Used. 12

HYZ 201

201.1

壴
Zhu.

HYZ 202

202.1

丁卜
Divined on Ding…

202.2

丁卜子又(有) 一
Divined on Ding: Our lord will have…1

202.3

丁卜 一
Divined on Ding…1

202.4

丁卜 一
Divined on Ding…1

202.5

丁卜 二
Divined on Ding…2

202.6

己
Ji…

202.7

庚卜子其見丁□ (以)用
Divined on Geng: When our lord sees His Highness,…will be taken... Used.

202.8

庚卜子其見丁鹵(以) 二
On Geng divined: When our lord sees His Highness, salt will be taken.2.

202.9

庚 一
On Geng…1

202.10

癸卜子
Divined on Gui: Our lord…

202.11

癸卜子 二
Divined on Gui: Our lord…2

202.12

子癸 一
…Our lord…Gui…1

HYZ 203

203.1

丙卜癸
Divined on Bing…Gui…

203.2

二 一一
…two…1, 1

203.3

丁用 二
…Ding…Used. 2

203.4

[丙]卜叀(惠)三十牛(肇)丁 二
Divined on [Bing]: It should be thirty head of cattle that are dispensed (to) His Highness. 2

203.5

丙卜叀(惠)三十牛(肇)丁 三
Divined on Bing: It should be thirty head of cattle that are dispensed (to) His Highness. 3

203.7

丙卜叀(惠)十牛(肇)丁用 一
Divined on Bing: It should be ten head of cattle that are dispensed (to) His Highness. Used. 1

203.8

丙卜叀(惠)十牛(肇)丁用 二
Divined on Bing: It should be ten head of cattle that are dispensed (to) His Highness. Used. 2

203.6

丙卜叀(惠)十牛(肇)丁
Divined on Bing: It should be ten head of cattle that are dispensed (to) His Highness.

203.9

一二三_123

203.10

丙卜翌丁
Divined on Bing…tomorrow day Ding…

203.11

丙卜叀(惠)子(面見(視)) (圭)用眔爯(稱)丁用 一
Divined on Bing: It should be pointed jade tablets personally inspected by our lord that are used together with ear ornaments, when holding up (jades) (to) His Highness.[324] Used. 1

HYZ 204

204.1

又(有)歲牛于匕(妣)己 一
Have a sacrifice (of) cattle to Ancestress Ji. 1

204.2

乃
…Nai…

204.3

又(有) [歲牛于]匕(妣)己
…have [sacrifice (of) cattle] Ancestress Ji.

HYZ 205

205.1

筒 二
Tong. 2

205.2

貞(陞) 二三
Tested: (for) Sheng. 23

205.3

貞女(母) 二
Tested: (for) Mother.[325] 2

205.4

貞(延) 二
Tested: Continue.[326] 2

205.5

貞三小子 三
Tested: (for) Third small child. 3

HYZ 206

206.1

丁丑卜才(在) (柚)子其(叀>助)舞戉若不用
Divined on Dingchou, at Xun: If our lord assists[327] dancing (with) axes, (it) will be favorable. Not used.

206.2

子弜(勿) (叀>助)舞戉于之若用多万又(有)巛(災)引棘(戟)
Our lord ought not assist dancing with axes, for (in) that will be favorable. Used. The Many Dancers had a calamity drawing in a trident.[328]

HYZ 207+210

207+210.1

甲卜
Divined on Jia…

207+210.2

甲卜 一
Divined on Jia …1

207+210.3

己卜 三
Divined on Ji …3

207+210.4

用 五
Used. 5

207+210.5

己
…Ji…

207+210.6

庚□其 一
On Geng…should…approach[329]…1

HYZ 208

208.1

戊卜貞(微)亡至(艱) 一
Divined on Wu, tested: Wei will not have (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 1

208.2

庚卜西五六日至 一
Divined on Geng: In five or six days will arrive west. [330] 1

208.3

庚卜女(母>毋)至 一
Divined on Geng: Must not arrive (then). 1

HYZ 209

209.1

庚申卜歲匕(妣)庚牝一子髀(禦) (往) 一二三四五六
Divined on Gengshen: Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one cow; lord Bi’s exorcism will be sent off. 123456

HYZ 210+207 (see HYZ 207)

HYZ 211

211.1

辛巳子其告行于帚(婦)弜(勿) (以) 一
On Xinsi, when our lord reports marching to our Lady, (he) should not bring anything. 1

211.2

弜(勿)告行于丁 一
Do not report marching to His Highness. 1

HYZ 212

212.1

一_1

212.2

匕(妣)庚
…Ancestress Geng…

212.3

己卜 二
Divined on Ji…2

212.4

己卜
Divined on Ji…

212.5

二_2

212.6

一_1

HYZ 213

213.1

庚
…Geng…

213.2

乍
…make …

213.3

(丙)
…Bing…

213.4

二_2

HYZ 214

214.1

辛未卜子弜(勿)祝用 一
Divined on Xinwei: Our lord ought not pray. Used. 1

214.2

辛未卜子弜(勿)祝用 一
Divined on Xinwei: Our lord ought not pray. Used. 1

214.3

癸酉歲癸子(微)目(禦) 一
On Guiyou, sacrifice (to) Gui Child some ewes; Wei’s eye (sickness) will be exorcised. 1

214.4

其(往) (微) (禦) 一
Should send off Wei’s exorcism.[331] 1

214.5

戊寅卜歲且(祖)甲小且(祖)乙小(登)自西祭子祝 一二
Divined on Wuyin: Sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some small pen-raised sheep (and) (to) Ancestor Yi some small pen-raised sheep, raise sacrificial items originating from the west, (and) our lord will pray. 12

HYZ 215

215.1

壬申卜子其(以)羌(亂(攣)) 于 (王婦)若衍(侃) 一
Divined on Renshen: When our lord takes Qiang, linked and bound up,[332] and registers (them over) to His Majesty’s Lady, (it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. 1

215.2

甲戌卜貞羌弗死子臣 一二三
Divining on Jiaxu, tested: Qiang will not cause any of our lord’s servitors to die. 123

215.3

庚辰歲匕(妣)庚豭一一子祝 一二三
On Gengchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one boar, one sow, (and) our lord will pray. 123

HYZ 216

216.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 217

217.1

丁未歲匕(妣)丁彘一才(在) 一
On Dingwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding one wild boar. At Fu. 1

217.2

丁未歲匕(妣)丁彘一才(在) 二
On Dingwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding one wild boar. At Fu. 2.

217.3

己卜其 一
Divined on Ji: Should…1

217.4

一_1

217.5

二_2

HYZ 218

218.1

丙辰卜子(金)叀(惠)今日 (丐) (黍)于(王婦)若用 一
Divined on Bingchen: It should be be today that lord Jin requests glutinous millet from His Majesty’s Lady, (for it) will be favorable. Used. 1

218.2

丙辰卜子(金)其 (丐) (黍)于(王婦)若衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Bingchen: If lord Jin requests glutinous millet from His Majesty’s Lady, (it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. Used. 1

HYZ 219

219.1

一_1

219.2

= 2

HYZ 220

220.1

On Dingchou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black cow (and) cut apart the cranium. Our lord read the crack and said, “Not yet, (or) there might be (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. Should (do it) on an Wu day.” Used.[333]

220.2

戊寅卜子[ (禦)]又(有)[口]疾于[匕(妣)庚] 牝 一
Divined on Wuyin: Our lord [will make an exorcism rite] for those with mouth illness to [Ancestress Geng], (and) announce (it along with the sacrifice of) cows by written record. 1

220.4

甲申歲且(祖)甲豭一 一
On Jiashen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one boar. 1

220.5

弜(勿)又鬯用 一
Do not add (or: have) aromatic ale. Used. 1

220.3

甲申歲且(祖)甲豭一叀(惠) 祝用 一
On Jiashen, when sacrificing (to) Ancestor Jia one boar, it should be [name] who prays. Used. 1

220.6

甲申卜叀(惠)配(妃)乎(呼)曰帚(婦)好告白屯(純)用 一
Divined on Jiashen: It should be (our lord’s) spouse who is called to address Lady Hao, reporting the white textiles.[334] Used.[335] 1

220.7

□卜子其入白屯(純)若 一
…divined: If our lord contributes white textiles, (it) will be favorable. 1

220.8

乙酉卜乎(呼) (微) (鑊)若用 一
Divined on Yiyou: Calling Wei to cook[336] will be favorable. Used. 1

220.9

乙酉卜乎(呼) (微) (鑊)若用 一二
Divined on Yiyou: Calling Wei to cook will be favorable. Used. 12

HYZ 221

221.1

乙出 一
On Yi will depart. 1

221.2

丙
On Bing…. 1

221.3

丁庚其出 一
His Highness, on Geng, might depart. 1

221.4

弗[其]庚出 一
Is not [likely] to depart on Geng. 1

221.5

□
[Uncertain meaning]…

221.6

戊 一
On Wu. 1

221.7

己 一
On Ji.[337] 1

HYZ 222

222.1

用 一
Used. 1

HYZ 223

223.1

戊卜于己入黃 (貝)于丁 一
Divined on Wu: By day Ji, contribute earthen-colored cowries[338] to His Highness. 1

223.2

戊卜子弜(勿)入黃( ) 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord ought not contribute earthen-colored cowries. 1

223.3

戊卜子其入黃( ) 二
Divined on Wu: Our lord should contribute earthen-colored cowries. 2

223.4

戊卜子其入黃( )丁衍(侃) 三
Divined on Wu: If our lord contributes earthen-colored cowries, His Highness will be happy. 3

223.5

戊卜子其入黃□于丁衍(侃)
Divined on Wu: If our lord contributes earthen-colored…to His Highness, (it) will bring happiness.

223.6

□卜其(殺)卯五牛 一
Divined on…: Should kill and butcher five head of cattle. 1

223.7

戊卜其宜卯牛 二
Divined on Wu: When preparing viands, butcher cattle. 2

223.8

戊卜歲牡用 三
Divined on Wu: Sacrifice some bulls. Used. 3

223.9

己卜歲牛匕(妣)己用 一
Divined on Ji: Sacrifice some cattle (to) Ancestress Ji. Used. 1

223.10

己卜歲牡匕(妣)己用 一
Divined on Ji: Sacrifice some bulls (to) Ancestress Ji. Used. 1

223.11

己卜歲牡匕(妣)己用 二
Divined on Ji: Sacrifice some bulls (to) Ancestress Ji. Used. 2

223.12

己卜叀(惠)牝(殺)匕(妣)己 一
Divined on Ji: It should be cows that are killed (for) Ancestress Ji. 1

223.13

叀(惠)牡于匕(妣)己 一
It should be bulls for Ancestress Ji. 1

223.14

叀(惠)牝于匕(妣)己 一
It should be cows for Ancestress Ji. 1

223.15

卜弜(勿) (禦) 于匕(妣)己 一
Divined…Do not make an exorcism…to Ancestress Ji. 1

223.16

庚卜于翌日(夙) (殺)伐 二
Divined on Geng: By tomorrow before dawn, make the killings (and) beheadings. 2

223.17

庚卜
Divined on Geng…

HYZ 224

224.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

224.2

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

224.3

子貞 二
Our lord tested. 2

224.4

子貞 二
Our lord tested. 2

HYZ 225

225.1

三十
Thirty.

HYZ 226

226.1

万家見(獻) 一
Dancer Jia[339] presents one.[340]

226.2

丁酉歲匕(妣)丁一 一
On Dingyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding one ewe. 1

226.3

丁酉歲匕(妣)丁一 二
On Dingyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding one ewe. 2

226.4

丁酉歲匕(妣)丁一 三
On Dingyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding one ewe. 3

226.5

丁巳歲且(祖)乙一(刮)且(祖)丁彡(肜) 三
On Dingsi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one ram, (and) carve (it for) Ancestor Ding’s Rong-rite.[341] 3

226.6

戊(往) (祼) (酒)伐且(祖)乙卯牡一鬯一口(曰)又(有)伐 一
On Wu,[342] going to the libation grounds to make ale libation and a beheading sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi, [343] (our lord) will butcher one bull, offer one bowl of aromatic ale,[344] and say, “There will be a beheading.” [345] 1

226.7

庚申歲匕(妣)庚牡一子(占)曰面□自來多臣(殺) 一
On Gengshen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one bull. Our lord read the crack and said, “Watch in person…[346] and return on my own. [347] The Many Servitors will kill (it).[348] 1

226.8

庚申(禦) (微)目癸子伐一人卯 一
On Gengshen, making an exorcism rite (for) Wei’s eye[349] (to) Gui Child, announce it by written record (with a sacrifice of) beheading one human, and butcher some pen-raised sheep. 1

226.10

辛酉宜牝眔(微)豭 一
On Xinyou, make (or: provide) viands (using) Suo’s cow(s) together with Wei’s boar(s). 1

226.9

辛酉宜牝眔(微)豭昃(殺) 一二
On Xinyou, making (or: providing) viands (using) Suo’s cow(s) together with Wei’s boar(s), make the killings in the late afternoon.[350] 12

226.11

庚辰卜(刮)彡(肜)匕(妣)庚用牢又(有)牝匕(妣)庚衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Gengchen: Carving Rong-rite (sacrificial offerings) (to) Ancestress Geng, use pen-raised cattle, and add (or: have) cows; Ancestress Geng will be happy. Used. 1

HYZ 227

227.1

癸亥夕卜日(延)雨子(占)曰其(延)雨用
Divined on the evening of Guihai: It will continue raining during the daytime.[351] Our lord read the crack and said, “It should continue raining.” Used.

HYZ 228

228.1

辛巳卜吉牛于宜 一
Divined on Xinsi: Prime cattle on the viand trays. 1

228.3

甲申卜叀(惠)小歲(殺)于且(祖)甲用一羊 一二
Divined on Jiashen: It should be a small number of sacrifices that are killed for Ancestor Jia. Used. One sheep. 12

228.2

甲申[卜]叀(惠)大歲又(有)于且(祖)甲不用 一二
[Divined] on Jiashen: It should be a large number of sacrifices that are offered to Ancestor Jia. Not used. 12

228.4

甲申卜歲且(祖)甲一用 一
Divined on Jiashen: Sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one ewe. Used. 1

228.5

乙酉歲且(祖)乙一 一
On Yiyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one ewe. 1

228.6

乙酉歲且(祖)乙一 二四
On Yiyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one ewe. 24

228.7

丁亥卜戠(待)弜(勿) (酒)羊又(有)鬯癸子用 一
Divined on Dinghai: Wait, do not make ale libation rite (to sacrifice) sheep,[352] having (or: offering) aromatic ale (for) Gui Child. Used. 1

228.8

丁亥卜吉牛于宜 一
Divined on Dinghai: Prime cattle, a portion[353] on the viand trays. 1

228.9

丁亥卜吉牛[ (皆)]于宜 一
Divined on Dinghai: Prime cattle [all] on the viand trays. 1

228.10

吉牛于宜 一
Prime cattle on the viand trays. 1

228.11

吉牛其于宜子弗(艱) 一
(As for) prime cattle, if on the viand trays, our lord will not be afflicted because of it.[354] 1

228.12

丁亥卜吉牛于宜 一
Divined on Dinghai: Prime cattle on the viand trays. 1

228.13

吉牛于宜 一
Prime cattle on the viand trays. 1

228.14

丁亥卜吉牛于宜 二
Divined on Dinghai: Prime cattle on the viand trays. 2

228.15

戊子卜吉牛于示又(有) (剝)來又(有) (曲*) 一
Divined on Wuzi: (As for) prime cattle on altar, pare what has come from [uncertain meaning].[355] 1

228.16

戊子卜吉牛其于示亡其(剝)于宜若 一
Divined on Wuzi: Should prime cattle go on altar, (and) if nothing is pared to go on the viand trays, it will be favorable. 1

228.17

戊子卜吉牛于示 一
Divined on Wuzi: Prime cattle on the altar. 1

228.18

吉牛亦示 一
Prime cattle also (on) the altar. 1

228.19

戊子卜又(有)吉牛弜(勿) ( )于宜 一
Divined on Wuzi: Have (or: Offer) prime cattle, (but) do not set out (its meat) on viand trays. 1

HYZ 229

229.1

壬卜
Divined on Ren…

229.2

壬卜子其入□[貝]丁衍(侃) 一
Divined on Ren: If our lord contributes…[cowries],[356] His Highness will be happy. 1

229.3

甲卜
Divined on Jia …

229.4

卜于
Divined…in…

229.5

至壬 一
…reaching day Ren…1

229.6

牛其
…cattle…should…

229.7

一_1

229.8

一_1

HYZ 230-HYZ 231

230.1

于
By…

230.2

一_1

230.3

癸(肇) 二
Gui…dispense…2

230.4

庚
…Geng…

231.1

史入
Shi’s contribution.

HYZ 232

232.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 233

233.1

二_2

233.2

(登)
…raise…

HYZ 234

234.1

丙寅夕卜子又(有)言才(在)宗隹(唯)衍(侃) 一
Divined on evening of Bingyin: Our lord having words (> speaking) at the temple is a happy thing. 1

234.2

丙寅夕卜非衍(侃) 一
Divined on the evening of Bingyin: Is not a happy thing. 1

234.3

辛未卜(擒)子(占)曰其(擒)用三麇 一二
Divined on Xinwei: Will make a catch. Our lord read the crack and said, “Should make a catch.” Used. Three musk deer. 12

HYZ 235

235.1

庚卜子(金) 一
Divined on Geng: (about) Lord Jin. 1

235.2

其弋(代) 若 一
If replacing [unclear meaning], (it) will be favorable. 1

HYZ 236

236.1

丙卜其(酒)匕(妣)庚若 一
Divined on Bing: If making ale libations (for) Ancestress Geng, (it) will be favorable. 1

236.2

丙[卜]子(夙)興又(有) 匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Bing: Our lord, rising before dawn, will have some rams (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

236.3

丁卜(酒)伐兄丁卯又(有)鬯 一二
Divined on Ding: Libating ale and making beheadings to (deceased) Elder Brother Ding, (our lord) will butcher some pen-raised sheep and add (> have) aromatic ale. 12

236.4

(酒)伐兄丁告匕(妣)庚[又(有)]祼 一
Libating ale and making beheadings (to) (deceased) Elder Brother Ding, make an announcement (to) Ancestress Geng (and) [have] an ale libation. 1

236.5

(酒)伐兄丁告匕(妣)庚又(有)歲 一
Libating ale and making beheadings (to) (deceased) Elder Brother Ding, make an announcement (to) Ancestress Geng (and) have a sacrifice. 1

236.6

(酒)伐兄丁告(殺)一牛匕(妣)庚 一
Libating ale and making beheadings (to) (deceased) Elder Brother Ding, make an announcement and kill one head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

236.7

(酒)伐兄丁告匕(妣)庚又(有)伐匕(妣)庚 一
Libating ale and making beheadings (to) (deceased) Elder Brother Ding, make announcement (to) Ancestress Geng; have a beheading (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

236.8

丁卜(殺)二牛(禦)伐乍(作) 匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ding: To kill two head of cattle, (and) for the exorcism and beheading sacrifice, (our lord) will erect a bethel (for) Ancestress Geng.[357] 1

236.9

丁卜(殺) 匕(妣)庚若 一
Divined on Ding: Killing pen-raised sheep (for) Ancestress Geng will be favorable. 1

236.10

丁卜(殺) 匕(妣)庚若 二
Divined on Ding: Killing pen-raised sheep (for) Ancestress Geng will be favorable. 2

236.11

丁卜(殺) □□[若] 三
Divined on Ding: Killing pen-raised sheep… [will be favorable]. 3

236.12

丁卜歲匕(妣)庚牡又二彘 一
Divined on Ding: Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng bulls and add (or: have) two wild boars. 1

236.13

丁卜歲匕(妣)庚牡又二彘 二三
Divined on Ding: Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng bulls and add (or: have) two wild boars. 23

236.14

戊卜子其(往) 一
Divined on Wu: Our lord should go. 1

236.15

戊卜弜(勿)子(往) 一
Divined on Wu: Do not (have) our lord go. 1

236.16

己卜家其又(有)魚其屰(逆)丁衍(侃) 一
Divined on Ji: Assuming Jia has fish, if (he) welcomes His Highness (with some), (it) will bring happiness. 1

236.17

己卜家其又(有)魚其屰(逆)丁衍(侃) 二
Divined on Ji: Assuming Jia has fish, if (he) welcomes His Highness (with some), (it) will bring happiness.2

236.18

己卜家其又(有)魚其屰(逆)丁衍(侃) 三
Divined on Ji: Assuming Jia has fish, if (he) welcomes His Highness (with some), (it) will bring happiness. 3

236.19

己卜家弜(勿)屰(逆)丁 一
Divined on Ji: Jia ought not (be one to) welcome His Highness. 1

236.21

己卜其(往) (禦)匕(妣)庚 一二
Divined on Ji: Should go and make the exorcism (to) Ancestress Geng. 12

236.20

己卜戠(待)弜(勿) (往) (禦)匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: Wait, do not go and make the exorcism (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

236.22

歲匕(妣)己牝 一
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji some cows. 1

236.23

歲匕(妣)己牝 二
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji some cows. 2

236.24

庚卜丁鄉(饗) (肆) 一二
Divined on Geng: His Highness will feast on what has been set out.[358] 12

236.25

庚卜丁弗鄉(饗) (肆) 一二
Divined on Geng: His Highness will not feast on what has been set out. 12

236.26

壬[卜]衁于室卜(外) 一
[Divined] on Ren: Make the blood offering by the outside of the room.[359] 1

236.27

壬卜子弗其又(有) (戾) 二
Divined on: Our lord will likely not have any misfortune (by doing so). 2

236.28

歲子癸牝 一
Sacrifice (to) Child Gui some cows. 1

236.29

魚(以)
Fish will be taken.[360]

HYZ 237

237.1

甲寅歲且(祖)甲 一
On Jiayin, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia… 1

237.2

乙卯卜叀(惠)[白]豕不用 一二
Divined on Yimao: It should be [white] pigs. Not used. 12

237.3

丁巳歲且(祖)乙一(刮)且(祖)丁彡(肜) 一
On Dingsi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one ram, and carve (it for) Ancestor Ding’s Rong-rite. 1

237.4

甲子歲且(祖)甲白豭鬯一 一二
On Jiazi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some white boars (and) offer one bowl
of aromatic ale. 12.

237.5

叀(惠)白豭[用]且(祖)甲
It should be white boars [that are used] (for) Ancestor Jia.

237.6

辛未卜丁隹(唯)好令比白(伯)戓伐卲 一
Divined on Xinwei: It will be Hao whom His Highness commands to ally with Bo Ge to attack Shao.[361] 1

237.7

甲戌歲且(祖)甲牢幽廌白豭一鬯 一
On Jiaxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some pen-raised cattle, darkish red antelope, white boars, (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 1

237.8

甲戌歲且(祖)甲牢幽廌白豭二鬯 一二三
On Jiaxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some pen-raised cattle, darkish red antelope,
white boars, (and) offer two bowls of aromatic ale. 123

237.9

乙亥歲且(祖)乙牢幽廌白豭二鬯 一二三
On Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some pen-raised cattle, darkish red antelope, white boars, (and) offer two bowls of aromatic ale. 123

237.10

乙亥歲且(祖)乙牢幽廌白豭鬯二 四
On Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some pen-raised cattle, darkish red antelope, white boars, (and) offer two bowls of aromatic ale. 4

237.11

乙歲(延)且(祖)乙用 一二
Yi day sacrifices will continue (for) Ancestor Yi. Used. 12

237.12

庚寅歲且(祖)甲牝一子予見 一二三四
On Gengyin, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one cow (and) lord Yu will be present.[362] 1234

237.13

庚寅歲且(祖)甲牝一子予見 一
On Gengyin, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one cow (and) lord Yu will be present. 1

237.14

弜(勿)告丁肉弜(勿)入[丁]用 一
Do not report (to) His Highness; (and as for) meat, do not contribute any (to) [His Highness]. Used. 1

237.15

入肉丁用不率 一
Contribute meat (to) His Highness. Used. Not all. 1

HYZ 238

238.1

丁卜 一
Divined on Ding… 1

238.2

己卜丁衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Ji…His Highness will be happy. Used. 1

238.3

己卜
Divined on Ji …

238.4

壬
Divined on Ren…

238.5

壬卜叀(惠)白豕 一
Divined on Ren: It should be white pigs…1

238.6

壬卜歲 二
Divined on Ren: Sacrifice…2

238.7

壬卜豕 一
Divined on Ren …pigs…1

238.8

壬卜叀(惠)小 一
Divined on Ren: It should be some small pen-raised sheep…1

238.9

其告匕(妣)庚人
…should announce…Ancestress Geng…men.

238.10

又
…in addition…

238.11

又
…in addition…

238.12

□卜匕(妣)庚用
Divined… Ancestress Geng. Used.

238.13

一_1

238.14

二_2

HYZ 239

239.1

丁巳卜子弜(勿) (往) (戎)用 一
Divined on Dingsi: Our lord ought not go to Rong. Used. 1

239.2

丁巳卜子弜(勿) (往) (戎)用 二
Divined on Dingsi: Our lord ought not go to Rong. Used. 2

239.3

癸酉卜弜(勿)勿(刎)新黑馬又(有) (剝) 一
Divined on Guiyou: Do not slit the throat of the new black horse that has damage. 1

239.4

癸酉卜弜(勿)勿(刎)新黑 二
Divined on Guiyou: Do not slit the throat of the new black horse…2

239.5

癸酉卜叀(惠)召[乎(呼)]勿(刎)馬 一
Divined on Guiyou: It should be Shao [who is called] to slit the throat of the horse. 1

HYZ 240

240.1

癸亥宜牝才(在)入 一
On Guihai, make (or: provide) viands (of) cow. At Ru. 1

240.2

癸亥宜牝一才(在)入 一
On Guihai, make (or: provide) viands (from) one cow. At Ru. 1

240.3

戊辰歲匕(妣)庚一 一
On Wuchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe. 1

240.4

戊辰歲匕(妣)庚一 一二
On Wuchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe. 12

240.5

戊辰宜[匕(妣)庚]羔用才(在)入 一二
On Wuchen, make viands for (or: provide viands (to)) [Ancestress Geng] (of) roast lamb. Used. At Ru. 12

240.6

于匕(妣)庚宜不用 一二
To Ancestress Geng, offer viands of ewe. Not used. 12

240.7

子(腹)疾弜(勿) (禦) 一
Our lord’s stomach is sick; do not make an exorcism…1

240.8

己巳(剖)亡(艱) 一
On Jisi, Pou will not have any affliction. 1

240.9

庚午歲匕(妣)庚豭一鬯一 一二
On Gengwu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one boar, (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 12

240.10

庚午歲匕(妣)庚豭一鬯一
On Gengwu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one boar, (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale.

HYZ 241

241.1

壬寅卜子又(有) (擒)子(占)曰其又(有) (擒) 一
Divined on Renyin: Our lord will have capture. Our lord read the crack and said, “Should have capture.” 1

241.2

其又(有)
Likely have.

241.3

亡 一
Will not have. 1

241.4

其又(有) 二
Likely have. 2

241.5

亡 二
Will not have. 2

241.6

乙巳卜于既(殺) (刮)迺(殺) 一且(祖)乙用 一二
Divined on Yisi: After killing what is to be carved,[363] then kill one ewe (for) Ancestor Yi. Used. 12

241.7

丁未卜子其妝(焋)用若 一二三四
Divined on Dingwei: Our lord should smoke (and) use (the killed ewe),[364] (for it) will be favorable. 1234

241.8

勿妝(焋)用 一二三四
Do not smoke and use (it). 1234

241.9

隹(唯)之疾子(腹) 一二
It will be that which sickens our lord’s stomach.[365] 12

241.10

非隹(唯) 一二
It will not be (that). 12

241.11

辛亥卜貞琡羌又(有)疾不死子(占)曰羌其死隹(唯)今其(瘳)亦隹(唯)
今 一二
Divining on Xinhai, tested: Lapidary Qiang, having illness, is not going to die. Our lord read the crack and said, “If the Qiang dies, it will be today. If (the Qiang) recovers, it will also be today.” 12

241.12

辛亥卜其死 一二
Divined on Xinhai: Might die. 12

241.13

辛亥歲匕(妣)庚一 一
On Xinhai, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe. 1

241.14

癸丑歲癸子一 一
On Guichou, sacrifice (to) Gui Child one sow. 1

HYZ 242

242.1

十
Kan, ten.

HYZ 243

243.1

乙亥夕(酒)伐一[于]且(祖)乙卯五五一鬯子肩(禦) (往) 一二三四五六
On the evening of Yihai, Libating ale and beheading one (person) (to) Ancestor Yi, butcher five rams, five ewes, (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. Our lord’s shoulder exorcism will be sent off. 123456

HYZ 244

244.1

丁卯卜既雨子其(往)于田若 (孚)一
Divined on Dingmao: After the rain, if our lord goes to the fields, (it) will be favorable. Trusted. 1

244.2

一_1

HYZ 245

245.1

甲卜牢
Divined on Jia…pen-raised cattle.

245.2

甲卜
Divined on Jia…

245.3

丁
…Ding.

245.4

庚
…Geng…

HYZ 246

246.1

辛卜
Divined on Xin…

246.2

于賈
…to the trader...

HYZ 247

247.1

戊申卜子□
Divined on Wushen: Our lord…

247.2

己酉卜(禦)□才(在) 又(有)伐若衍(侃) 一
Divined on Jiyou: To exorcise…at Fu, having a beheading will be favorable
(and) bring happiness. 1

247.3

癸丑卜大(肄)弜(勿) (禦)子口疾于匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Guichou: (Sacrificial offerings will be) greatly displayed, but (we) ought not make an exorcism (for) our lord’s mouth sickness to Ancestress Geng.[366] 1

247.4

甲寅卜子(金) 一
Divined on Jiayin: (about) Lord Jin. 1

247.5

庚申卜子益(佾)商衍(侃) 一
Divined on Gengshen: Our lord lining up (to dance to) “Shang” will bring happiness.[367] 1

247.6

癸亥卜弜(勿) (禦)子口疾告匕(妣)庚曰(瘳)告 一
Divined on Guihai: Do not exorcise our lord’s mouth sickness; make announcement of it to Ancestress Geng. Said, “It will heal.” Announced (it). 1

247.7

乙丑卜(肄)弔子弗臣 一
Divined on Yichou: Arrange the bound ones[368] that our lord is not going to make his servitors. 1

247.8

乙丑卜乎弔若 一
Divined on Yichou: Calling to tie up Shao[369] will be favorable. 1

247.9

乙丑卜乎弔若 二
Divined on Yichou: Calling to tie up Shao will be favorable. 2

247.10

乙丑卜乎(畫)告子弗(艱) 一
Divined on Yichou: Calling Hua[370] to report to our lord will not cause him any affliction. 1

247.11

乙丑卜子 一
Divined on Yichou: Our lord…1

247.12

弗(艱) 一
Will not be afflicted (by it). 1

247.16

子貞 一二
Our lord tested. 12

247.13

丁丑卜子其(往)田亡(害) 一二
On Dingchou divined: If our lord hunts, there will be no harm. 12

247.14

丁亥卜子(金)其(往)亡巛(災) 一
Divined on Dinghai: If lord Jin goes, there will be no calamities. 1

247.15

己丑歲匕(妣)庚牝一子(往)澫(禦)
On Jichou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one cow; our lord will go to the Wan River and make the exorcism.

247.17

庚寅歲匕(妣)庚豭一 一
On Gengyin, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one boar. 1

HYZ 248

248.5

戊申卜其(將)匕(妣)庚于[ (戎)]東官(館)用 一二
Divined on Wushen: Should carry in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng in [Rong’s][371] eastern guesthouse. Used. [372] 12

248.1

癸丑(將)匕(妣)庚[其]歲匕(妣)庚牢才(在) (戎) 一二三
On Guichou, carrying in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng, should sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pen-raised cattle. At Rong. 123

248.2

癸丑卜子祼新鬯于且(祖)甲用 一
Divined on Guichou: Our lord will libate new aromatic ale to Ancestor Jia. Used. 1

248.3

癸丑卜子祼 二
Divined on Guichou: Our lord will perform the ale libation. 2

248.4

[甲]寅卜弜(勿) (速)丁用 一
Divined on [Jia]yin: Do not invite His Highness. Used. 1

HYZ 249-HYZ 250

249.1

才(在) (敦)卜乎(呼) 歸戌(戍)朿 一
Divined at Dun: Call…to return to the frontier houses. [373] 1

249.2

才(在) (敦)卜乎(呼)[人]歸戌(戍)朿 二
Divined at Dun: Call [men] to return to the frontier houses. 2

249.3

[才(在)] (敦)[卜]乎(呼)人歸 一
Divined [at] Dun: Call men to return. 1

249.4

才(在) (敦)卜弜(勿)乎(呼)人歸 一
Divined at Dun: Do not call men to return. 1

249.5

[才(在) ]卜弜(勿)乎(呼)人歸[屰(逆)]丁若 一
Divined [at Dun]: Do not call men to return (and) [welcome] His Highness,[374] (for it) will be favorable. 1

249.6

己卜弜(勿)告季于今日 一
Divined on Ji: Do not report Ji at (some point) today.[375] 1

249.7

己卜弜(勿)告季今日 二
Divined on Ji: Do not report Ji today. 2

249.8

叀(惠)牛歲匕(妣)庚 一
It should be cattle that are sacrificed (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

249.9

匕(妣)庚才(在) (敦) 二
(To) Ancestress Geng, some pen-raised sheep. At Dun. 2

249.10

歲匕(妣)庚才(在)[ (敦)] 三
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pen-raised sheep. At [Dun]. 3

249.11

于丁匕(妣)庚
…by day Ding (for) Ancestress Geng.

249.12

才(在) (敦)卜叀(惠)牝歲匕(妣)庚 一二
At Dun divined: It should be cows that are sacrificed (to) Ancestress Geng. 12

249.13

己卜其告季于丁衍(侃) 一
Divined on Ji: If reporting Ji to His Highness, (it) will bring happiness. 1

249.14

己卜其[告]季[于]丁衍(侃) 二
Divined on Ji: If [reporting] Ji [to] His Highness, (it) will bring happiness. 2

249.15

甲卜才(在) (敦) (皆)見(獻)鬯于丁 二
Divined on Jia, at Dun: All will present aromatic ale to His Highness. 2

249.16

鬯[牝]
Aromatic ale…[cows].

249.17

見(獻)丁匕(妣)庚□
…present (to) His Highness. Ancestress Geng…

249.18

才(在) (敦)卜尞(燎)[匕(妣)庚] 一
Divined at Dun: Make burnt offerings[376] (for) [Ancestress Geng]… 1

249.19

甲卜才(在) (敦)賈[并] 子見(獻)丁 一二
Divined on Jia, at Dun: Trader [Bing] …our lord… present (to) His Highness. 12

249.20

甲卜才(在) (敦)鬯見(獻)于丁 一二
Divined on Jia, at Dun: Aromatic ale will be presented to His Highness. 12

249.21

乙卜鬯匕(妣)庚
Divined on Yi …aromatic ale (to) Ancestress Geng.

249.22

乙卜叀(惠)牝歲[匕(妣)庚] 一
Divined on Yi: It should be cows that are sacrificed (to) [Ancestress Geng]. 1

249.23

戊卜子其(往) ( )曰又(有)求非(虞) 一
Divined on Wu: If our lord goes to Man,[377] stating that there is a need (or: request), it is not cause to be upset. 1

249.24

鼎
Ding[378]

250.1

三十
Thirty

HYZ 251

251.1

己未歲匕(妣)己一 一
On Jiwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one sow. 1

HYZ 252

252.1

乙亥歲且(祖)乙黑牡一又 [又(有)] (登)子祝 一
On Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black bull and (one) ewe, [have] a (cereal) raising, (and) our lord will pray. 1

252.2

乙亥歲且(祖)乙黑牡一又一[又(有)] (登)子祝 二三
On Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black bull and (one) ewe, [have] a (cereal) raising, (and) our lord will pray. 23

252.3

丁丑卜其發于
叀(惠)入人若用子(占)曰女(毋)又(有) (孚)雨 一二三四五六七八
Divined on Dingchou: When shooting at Liu*, letting it be men of Ru (who shoot) will be favorable. Used. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Must not have (> place) trust (in it). Rain.” 12345678

252.4

叀(惠)割(葛)人乎(呼)先奏入人迺(往)用 一
It should be men of Ge[379] who are called to first perform music; men of Ru will then proceed. Used. 1

252.5

叀(惠)割(葛)人乎(呼)先奏入人迺(往)用 一二
It should be men of Ge who are called to first perform music; men of Ru men will then proceed. Used. 12

252.6

叀(惠)入人乎(呼)用 一
It should be men of Ru who are called. Used. 1

252.8

戊寅夕宜一才(在)[入] 一
On the evening of Wuyin, make (or: provide) viands of one ewe. At [Ru]. 1

252.7

戊寅夕宜一才(在)入 二
On the evening of Wuyin, make (or: provide) viands of one ewe. At Ru. 2

HYZ 253

253.1

辛未卜 一
Divined on Guiwei: …Tuo*.[380] 1

253.2

癸巳歲癸子一 一
On Guisi, sacrifice (to) Gui Child one ewe. 1

253.3

癸巳歲癸子一 二
On Guisi, sacrifice (to) Gui Child one ewe. 2

HYZ 254

254.1

壬戌 二
On Renxu…2

254.2

庚
一二三
…Geng…123

254.3

二五_25

HYZ 255

255.1

甲寅卜弜(勿)宜丁 一
Divined on Jiayin: Do not make (or: provide) viands (for) His Highness. 1

255.2

甲寅卜弜(勿)言來自西且(祖)乙口(曰)又(有)伐 二
Divined on Jiayin: Do not tell[381] Ancestor Yi what has been brought back from the west.[382] Say, “There will be a beheading.”[383] 2

255.5

乙亥卜弜(勿)乎(呼) (微) (燕>宴)用
Divined on Yihai: Do not call Wei to banquet. Used.[384]

255.3

弜(勿)乎(呼)發(燕>宴) 一
Do not call Fa to banquet. 1

255.4

乎(呼) (微) (燕>宴)不用 一
Call Wei to banquet. Not used. 1

255.6

乙亥卜弜(勿)乎(呼)多賈見用 二
Divined on Yihai: Do not call the Many Traders to appear. Used. 2

255.7

戊寅卜舟嚨告丁弗(虞)衍(侃) 一二
Divined on Wuyin: Zhou Long reports You’s (jade delivery);[385] His Highness is not going to be upset, (but) happy about it. 12

255.8

己丑歲匕(妣)庚一牝子(往)澫(禦)[興] 一二三
On Jichou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one cow; our lord will go to the Wan River and make the exorcism. (For) [Xing].[386] 123

HYZ 256

256.1

壬卜
Divined on Ren…

256.2

壬卜三日雨至 一二
Divined on Ren: In three days rain will arrive. 12

256.3

壬卜五日雨至 一二
Divined on Ren: In five days rain will arrive. 12

256.4

己[卜] 牛羊庚 一
[Divined] on Ji…cattle, sheep…Geng…1

256.5

[己卜] 小匕(妣)庚 一
[Divined on Ji]…small pen-raised sheep…Ancestress Geng. 1

256.6

丁其 一
…Ding…should…1

256.7

乙卜
Divined on Yi…

256.8

于庚 一二
…on Geng…12

256.9

己卜弜(勿) 乍(作)丁 一
Divined on Ji: Do not….will cause His Highness... 1

256.10

己卜日
Divined on Ji…day…

HYZ 257

257.1

丙卜史(使)于丁 一二
Divined on Bing…dispatch to His Highness…12

257.2

卜其
…divined…should…

257.3

卜□告戌(戍) (禦) 于(州*) (口*) 一二
…divined…report the border guards defend…by the mouth of the islet*. 12

257.4

一
…1

257.5

甲卜歲匕(妣)庚(禦)由其□于丁 一二
Divined on Jia: Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng…exorcism rite (for) You; should…to His Highness…12

257.6

壬卜
Divined on Ren …

257.7

壬子[令]
Ren…Our lord [will command]…

257.8

告
…announce…

257.9

庚
Geng…

257.10

匕(妣)庚告亡(虞) 二
…Ancestress Geng. (As for) Yi[387] making an announcement, there will not be (any reason to be) upset. 2

257.11

己卜匕(妣)庚
Divined on Ji…Ancestress Geng…

257.12

庚卜丁[入]告 二
Divined on Geng: His Highness [will enter] to make an announcement. 2

257.13

癸
On Gui…

257.14

[用] 一
[Used]. 1

257.15

匕(妣)庚才(在) (雝) 二三
…Ancestress Geng. At Yong. 23

257.16

乙夕卜其 一
Divined on the evening of Yi: Should…1

257.17

且(祖)
…Ancestor…

257.18

辛卜子其又(有) (肇)臣自 一二
Divined on Xin: Our lord will likely have servitors that are dispensed from…12

257.19

辛卜隹(唯) 畀子 一
Divined on Xin: It will be You’s[388] that are given to our lord. 1

257.20

辛卜丁曰其(肇)子臣允 一
Divined on Xin: His Highness said, “[I] shall dispense servitors (to) my son.” (It) is really true.[389] 1
[Or: His Highness said (that he) shall dispense servitors to our lord”. (It) is really true.] [390]

257.21

辛卜子其又(有)[ (肇)]臣自[ ]寮 一
Divined on Xin: Our lord will likely have servitors [that are dispensed] from the [Gui*] organization. 1

257.22

丙卜亡
Divined on Bing…there will not be…

257.23

用 一
Used. 1

257.24

用 二
Used. 2

257.25

己卜庚弜(勿) 一
Divined on Ji: Tomorrow, day Geng…ought not…1

257.26

己卜 一
Divined on Ji …1

HYZ 258

258.1

一二三_123

258.2

用 二
Used. 2

258.3

庚辰歲匕(妣)庚 一
On Gengchen, sacrifice Ancestress Geng some sows. 1

258.4

于日雨入
Enter by the day it rains.[391]

HYZ 259

259.1

辛巳卜新于(以) (舊)才(在) 入用子(占)曰未(艱) (孚) 一
Divined on Xinsi: The new mares are being brought, (and) the old (ones) will be entered at Lu. Used. Our lord read the crack and said, “Not yet. Affliction.”[392] Trusted. 1

259.2

辛巳卜子叀(惠)賈視用逐用隻(獲)一鹿 一
Divined on Xinsi: It should be trader-inspected (horses) that our lord uses to pursue. Used. Caught one deer. 1

259.3

乙亥卜 一
Divined on Yihai…1

259.4

一_1

HYZ 260

260.1

戊戌叀(惠)亞[奠]戠(待)弜
(勿)告 三
On Wuxu, it should be Ya
[Dian]; wait, do not report (anything). 3

HYZ 261

261.1

甲午歲匕(妣)甲一又(有) (登) 一二三
On Jiawu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Jia one sow (and) add (> have) a cereal offering. 123

261.2

乙未歲匕(妣)庚一又(有) (登) 一二
On Yiwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Jia one sow (and) add (> have) a cereal offering.12

HYZ 262

262.1

母(毋)其步 一
Must not march. 1

262.2

癸卜丁步[今]戌月才(在) (柚) 一
Divined on Gui: His Highness will march (in) [this present] month to destroy Shao.[393] At You.[394] 1

262.3

癸卜子弜(勿) (擇) (燕>宴)受丁祼 一
Divined on Gui: Our lord ought not select[395] the banqueters* to receive[396] His Highness’ libation ale. 1

HYZ 263

263.1

丁日雨
Ding… daytime will rain.

263.2

制示
Zhi submitted.[397]

HYZ 264

264.1

乙巳歲且(祖)乙一子祝才(在)□ 一
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one ewe (and) our lord will pray. At…1

264.2

己未卜貞賈壴又(有)疾亡[ (延)] 一
Divining on Jiwei, tested: Trader Zhu has sickness;[398] it is not going [to continue].
1

264.3

己未卜才(在) 其(延
)又(有)疾 一
Divined on Jiwei, at Fu:
(He) might continue having sickness. 1

264.4

己未卜才(在) 子其乎(呼)射告眔我南正(征)隹(唯)夨(昃)若 一二
Divined on Jiwei, at Fu: If our lord calls for the Archers, and announces (for them) to join us on the southern military expedition, it is the late afternoon that will be favorable. 12

264.5

弜(勿)乎(呼)眔南于若 一二
Do not call (them) to join the south(ern military expedition), (for) in [that]
will be favorable. 12

HYZ 265

265.1

戊辰卜子其(以) (磬)妾于(王婦)好若 一二三四五
Divined on Wuchen: If our lord takes female servants who will play chime
stones[399] to His Majesty’s Lady Hao, (it) will be favorable. 12345

265.2

戠(待)用 一二三四五
Wait. Used. 12345

265.3

庚午卜子其(以) (磬)妾于(王婦)好若 一二三
Divined on Gengwu: If our lord takes female servants who will play chime stones to His Majesty’s Lady Hao, (it) will be favorable. 123

265.4

戠(待)用 一二三
Wait. Used. 123

265.5

辛未歲匕(妣)庚又(有) (登)用 二
On Xinwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pen-raised sheep, and have (> add) a (cereal) raising. Used. 2

265.6

辛未歲匕(妣)庚小告又(有) (肇)鬯子祝(登)祭 一二三四五
On Xinwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some small pen-raised sheep, make announcements, have (> offer) the dispensed aromatic ale,[400] our lord will pray, (and) raise (other) sacrificial items.[401] 12345

265.10

辛未歲匕(妣)庚小告又(有) (肇)鬯子祝(登)祭 一
On Xinwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some small pen-raised sheep, make announcements, have (> offer) the dispensed aromatic ale, our lord will pray, (and) raise (other) sacrificial items. 1

265.7

辛未歲匕(妣)庚先暮牛(殺)迺(殺)小用
On Xinwei, in sacrificing (to) Ancestress Geng, first Mu’s cattle[402] will be killed, and then kill the small pen-raised sheep. Used.

265.8

辛未宜一才(在)入卯又(有) (肇)鬯 一二三
On Xinwei, prepare (or: provide) viands from one ewe. At Ru. Butchered (it) and added (> had) the dispensed aromatic ale. 123

265.9

辛未歲匕(妣)庚小用 一
On Xinwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some small pen-raised sheep…Used..1

HYZ 266

266.1

其(及)五旬□
Might reach five weeks…

266.2

三旬
Three weeks.

266.3

弗及五旬
Will not reach five weeks…

HYZ 267

267.1

己亥卜子于(戎) (宿) (夙) (殺)牢匕(妣)庚用 一
Divined on Jihai: Our lord, staying overnight in Rong, at dawn will kill some pen-raised cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. Used.[403] 1

267.2

庚子歲匕(妣)庚才(在) (戎)牢子曰卜未子髟(孚*) 一
On Gengzi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pen-raised cattle that are at Rong.[404] Our lord said, “(This) crack, still not yet [said of the proposed sacrifice].” Our lord trusted (it).[405] 1

267.3

甲辰卜(早)祭且(祖)甲叀(惠)子祝 一
Divined on Jiachen: In making the morning meat-sacrifice[406] (to) Ancestor Jia, it should be our lord who prays. 1

267.4

甲辰(早)祭且(祖)甲友一 一
On Jiachen, make the morning sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia and pair one ewe. 1

267.5

甲辰(早)祭且(祖)甲友一 二
On Jiachen, make the morning sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia and pair one ewe. 2

267.6

乙巳(早)祭且(祖)乙友一 一
On Yisi, make the morning sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi and pair one ewe. 1

267.10

庚戌(早)祭匕(妣)庚友白一 一
On Gengxu, make the morning sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng and pair one white ewe. 1

267.7

乙巳卜出子亡(肇)用 一
Divined on Yisi: Exiting, our lord will not have anything to dispense (or: dispensed to him). Used. 1

267.8

戊申卜叀(惠)子祝用 一
Divined on Wushen: It should be our lord who prays. Used. 1

267.9

戊申卜叀(惠)子祝用 二
Divined on Wushen: It should be our lord who prays. Used. 2

HYZ 268

268.1

匕(妣)庚
…Ancestress Geng…

268.2

子貞
Our lord tested.

268.3

丙卜貞其乙亥庚
Divining on Bing, tested: Should…Yihai…Geng…

268.4

子
…our lord…

268.5

丙卜
Divined on Bing…

268.6

鬯印匕(妣)庚 五
…aromatic ale, captives
(to) Ancestress Geng…5

268.7

癸□丙且(祖) 步于子
Gui…Bing (day) Ancestors…walk, to Child…

268.8

用 一
Used. 1

268.9

弜(勿)
…ought not…

268.10

癸丁
Gui…Ding…

268.11

甲卜子令 一
Divined on Jia: Our lord will issue a command. 1

HYZ 269

269.1

癸卜才(在) (茲)入
Divined on Gui: At this (place > Here), contribute…

269.2

乙卜子
Divined on Yi: Our lord…

269.3

歲用 一
… sacrifice. Used. 1

269.4

乙卜(茲) 子歲牛一 一四
Divined on Yi: This…our lord… sacrifice…one head of cattle. 14

269.5

牛于匕(妣)庚 二三
…cattle to Ancestress Geng. 23

269.6

癸卜其宜又(有)牛 一
Divined on Gui: If making (or: providing) viands, have cattle (> beef). 1

269.7

癸 一
On Gui…1

269.8

[乙亥]卜子其入白一于丁 一
Divined on [Yihai]: Our lord should contribute one white[407] to His Highness. 1

269.9

一二_12

HYZ 270

270.1

己巳宜一于南 一二三四
On Jisi, make (or: provide) viands (from) one ewe in (/to) the south. 1234

270.2

己巳宜一于南 五
On Jisi, make (or: provide) viands (from) one ewe in (/to) the south. 5

HYZ 271

271.1

甲夕卜日雨子曰其雨小用 一
Divined on the evening of Jia: It will rain during the daytime.[408] Our lord said, “It should rain a little.” Used. 1

271.2

甲夕卜日不雨 一
Divined on the evening of Jia: It is not going to rain during the daytime. 1

HYZ 272 (=271v)

272.1

十
Kan, ten.

HYZ 273

273.1

[于] (姒)丁(禳)子馘顛 一二
[To] (deceased) Elder Sister Ding,[409] make a rite to dispel[410] (the injury from) lord Guo’s fall.[411] 12

273.2

子馘顛其(禳)匕(妣)己眔匕(妣)丁
(As for the injury from) lord Guo’s fall, make a rite to dispel (it) (to) Ancestress Ji together with Ancestress Ding.

273.3

其(禦)子馘匕(妣)己眔匕(妣)丁
Should make an exorcism (for) lord Guo (to) Ancestress Ji together with Ancestress Ding.[412]

273.4

羊匕(妣)庚
…sheep (to) Ancestress Geng.

273.5

子
…Our lord…

273.6

匕(妣)庚
…Ancestress Geng…

HYZ 274

274.1

乙巳歲匕(妣)庚一(刮)且(祖)乙 一二三
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one sow, (and) carve (it for) Ancestor Yi’s Yi-rite.[413] 123

HYZ 275+517

275.1

己巳卜貞子[女]不死 一
Divined on Jisi, tested: Lord Pou’s [woman] is not going to die. 1

275.2

其死 一
Might die. 1

275.3

辛未卜丁[隹(唯)]子令比白(伯)戓伐卲 一
Divined on Xinwei: [It will be] our lord who His Highness commands to ally with Bo Ge to attack Shao. 1

275.4

辛未卜丁隹(唯)多丯(介)臣令比白(伯)戓伐卲 一
Divined on Xinwei: It will be the Many Great[414] Servitors who His Highness commands to ally with Bo Ge to attack Shao. 1

275.5

癸酉卜子耳鳴隹(唯)癸子 (害) 一
Divined on Guiyou: Our lord’s ear(s) ringing means Gui Child is causing harm. 1

275.6

乙亥歲匕(妣)庚二 二
On Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng two sows. 2

275.7

乙亥卜(刮)且(祖)乙彡(肜) (牢)一牝子亡(肇)丁 一
Divined on Yihai: Will carve one pen-raised sheep (for) Ancestor Yi’s Rongrite, (but) our lord will not have any (sanctified meat) to dispense (to) His Highness. 1

275.8

乙亥卜(刮)且(祖)乙彡(肜)牢一牝子亡(肇)丁 二
Divined on Yihai: Will carve pen-raised cattle (and) one cow (for) Ancestor Yi’s Rong-rite, (but) our lord will not have any (sanctified meat) to dispense (to) His Highness. 2

275.9

乙亥卜其乎(呼)多賈見丁衍(侃) 一
Divined on Yihai: If calling the Many Traders to see His Highness, (it) will bring happiness. 1

275.10

乎(呼)多賈眔辟丁衍(侃) 一
Calling the Many Traders together with Subordinates, His Highness will be happy. 1

275.11

丙子卜丁不各 一
Divined on Bingzi: His Highness is not going to arrive. 1

HYZ 276

276.1

乙卜其又(有)伐于(雝)乍(作)匕(妣)庚(各) 一
Divined on Yi: If having a beheading in Yong, (it) will cause Ancestress Geng to arrive. 1

276.3

乙卜其又(有)伐于(雝)乍(作)匕(妣)庚(各) 二
Divined on Yi: If having a beheading in Yong, (it) will cause Ancestress Geng to arrive. 2

276.2

乙卜其又(有)十鬯匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Yi: Should have ten bowls of aromatic ale
(for) Ancestress Geng. 1

276.4

乙夕卜歲十牛匕(妣)庚鬯五用才(在) (雝) 一
Divined on the evening of Yi: Sacrifice ten head of cattle (to) Ancestress Geng (and) offer five bowls of aromatic ale. Used. At Yong. 1

276.5

乙夕卜叀(惠)今(殺)匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on the evening of Yi: It should be today to make killings (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

276.6

乙夕卜于(殺)匕(妣)庚用 三
Divined on the evening of Yi: By tomorrow, make killings (for) Ancestress Geng. Used. 3

276.8

戊卜其(殺)牛匕(妣)己 一二
Divined on Wu: Should kill some cattle (for) Ancestress Ji. 12

276.9

戊卜于(殺)牛匕(妣)己 一二
Divined on Wu: By tomorrow, kill some cattle (for) Ancestress Ji. 12

276.10

戊卜歲牛子癸用 一二
Divined on Wu: Sacrifice some cattle (to) Child Gui. Used. 12

276.7

己卜歲牛匕(妣)庚用 一
Divined on Ji: Sacrifice some cattle (to) Ancestress Geng. Used. 1

HYZ 277

277.1

丁
Ding.

277.2

一旬
One week.

277.3

二旬
Two weeks.

277.4

其(及)五旬
Might reach in five weeks.

277.5

弗(及)五旬
Will not reach in five weeks.

HYZ 278

278.1

二牛 一
Two head of cattle. 1

278.2

戠(待)弜(勿)又(有)匕(妣)庚 一二
Wait, do not have anything for (or: offer anything to) Ancestress Geng. 12

278.3

三牛 一
Three head of cattle. 1

278.4

叀(惠)小白 一二
It should be small pen-raised sheep, white sows. 12

278.5

二牢白豕 一二
Two head of pen-raised cattle, white pigs. 12

278.6

五豕 一
Five pigs. 1

278.7

叀(惠)二黑牛 一
It should be two head of black cattle. 1

278.8

二黑牛 一二
Two head of black cattle. 12

278.9

白一豕又鬯 一
One white pig and aromatic ale. 1

278.10

夕白豕(酒)二牢 一
In the evening, white pigs, rams, ale libation, two head of pen-raised cattle. 1

278.11

叀(惠)二勿(物)牢□白豕匕(妣)庚 一
It should be two head of variegated cattle…white pigs (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

278.12

三羊 一二三
Three sheep. 123

278.13

先(殺)白宜黑二牛 一
First kill the white sows, (then) make viands (from) two head of black cattle. 1

278.14

叀(惠)一白豕又鬯 一
It should be one white pig and aromatic ale. 1

HYZ 279

279.1

子又(有)[鬼][夢]亡(戾) 一
…Our lord had a [demon dream]. There will be no misfortune. 1

279.2

丁 一
…His Highness…1

279.3

二_2

HYZ 280

280.1

丁亥子其學用 一
On Dinghai, our lord should instruct Tuo*[415] [uncertain meaning].[416] Used. 1

280.2

癸巳歲匕(妣)癸一牢祝 一二三
On Guisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Gui one head of pen-raised cattle (and) [unknown name] will pray. 123

HYZ 281

281.1

卯庚
…ram, butcher…Geng…

281.2

歲匕(妣)
… sacrifice (to) Ancestress…

281.3

[歲][又]
[sacrifice], [have]…

HYZ 282

282.1

庚子歲匕(妣)庚豭 一
On Gengzi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some boars. 1

282.2

辛丑宜一才(在) 一二
On Xinchou, make (or: provide) viands (from) one ewe. At Fu. 12

282.3

癸十羊 一
Gui…ten sheep. 1

HYZ 283

283.1

己不用
Ji…Not used.

283.2

牢
Pen-raised cattle.

283.3

用
Used.

283.4

己卜才(在) □其 一二
Divined on Ji …at…should…12

283.5

弜(勿)
Do not…

HYZ 284

284.1

戊卜歲十豕[匕(妣)庚]才(在) (雝) 一
Divined on Wu: Sacrifice ten pigs (to) [Ancestress Geng]. At Yong. 1

284.2

戊卜其乎(呼) (殺)十豕于(雝) 一二
Divined on Wu: Should call to kill ten pigs in Yong.[417] 12

284.3

戊卜(侯)奠其乍(作)子齒 一二
Divined on Wu: Archer-Lord Dian should make (an exorcism for) our lord’s tooth. 12

284.4

戊卜(侯)奠不乍(作)子齒 一二
Divined on Wu: Archer-Lord Dian is not going to make (exorcism for) our lord’s tooth.[418] 12

HYZ 285

285.1

子(延) (安)言 (剖)若 一
Our lord will continue to sit[419] and have words (with) Pou, (for it) is favorable. 1

285.2

勿言 (剖) 一
Do not have words (with) Pou. 1

285.3

子(延) (安) (剖)若 一
Our lord will continue to sit (with) Pou, (for it) is favorable. 1

285.4

勿言 (剖) 一
Do not have words (with) Pou. 1

HYZ 286

286.1

辛卜入牡宜 一
Divined on Xin: Make viands from bull contributed by Zhen. 1

286.3

辛卜叀(惠)牝宜 一
Divined on Xin: It should be cow to make into viands. 1

286.4

辛卜其宜叀(惠)牝 一
Divined on Xin: If making viands, it should be cow. 1

286.2

其宜叀(惠)牝 二
If making viands, it should be cow. 2

286.5

壬卜子又(有)求曰□賈 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will have a request saying to…trade. 1

286.6

壬卜子又(有)求曰取紤( )一二
Divined on Ren: Our lord will have a request saying to pick up tapestries (in) Man.[420] 12

286.7

壬卜子又(有)求曰視(葛)官(館) 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will have a request saying to inspect Ge’s[421] guest residence. 1

286.8

壬卜子又(有)求曰(罝) 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will have a request saying…net rabbits. 1

286.9

壬卜其尞(燎)匕(妣)庚于(茲)朿告又(有)彔(麓)亡(延)宛(完) 一
Divined on Ren: When making a (sacrificial) burning rite (to) Ancestress Geng, at this house announce that, having foothills,[422] there will be no prolonging to complete construction.[423] 1

286.10

壬卜朿亡(延)宛(完) 一
Divined on Ren: (As for) the house, there will be no prolonging to complete construction. 1

286.11

壬卜朿彔(麓)弜(勿)若巳隹(唯)又(有)辭 一
Divined on Ren: (As for) the house and foothills, not stopping, compliantly, means there will be blame. 1

286.12

叀(惠)三羊尞(燎)匕(妣)庚 一二
It should be three sheep that are burnt (to) Ancestress Geng. 12

286.13

叀(惠)五羊尞(燎)匕(妣)庚 一
It should be five sheep that are burnt (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

286.14

叀(惠)七羊尞(燎)匕(妣)庚 一
It should be seven sheep that are burnt (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

286.15

癸卜甲其尞(燎)十羊匕(妣)庚 一二
Divined on Gui: Day Jia, should burn ten sheep (to) Ancestress Geng. 12

286.16

癸卜戠(待)弜(勿)尞(燎)于匕(妣)庚 一二
Divined on Gui: Wait, do not make (sacrificial) burning rite for Ancestress Geng. 12

286.17

癸卜其尞(燎)羊匕(妣)庚 三
Divined on Gui: Should burn sheep (to) Ancestress Geng. 3

286.18

丙卜叀(惠) (皎)吉(圭)爯(稱)丁 一
Divined on Bing: It should be shiny white, top-quality pointed jade tablets that are held up (to) His Highness. 1

286.19

丙卜叀(惠)玄(圭)爯(稱)丁亡 一
Divined on Bing: It should dark black pointed jade tablets that are held up (to) His Highness, without there being ear ornaments. 1

286.20

己卜于日(羞)中(殺)三牛匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: By noontime,[424] kill three head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

286.21

己卜其 (酒)三牛乍(作)祝叀(惠)之用匕(妣)庚用 一二
Divined on Ji: (We) shall (< plan to) libate ale, (use) three head of cattle, and make prayer; it should be that which is used (for) Ancestress Geng. Used. 12

286.22

己卜其(酒)三牛乍(作)祝叀(惠)之用匕(妣)庚用 三
Divined on Ji: (We) shall (< plan to) libate ale, (use) three head of cattle, and make prayer; it should be that which is used (for) Ancestress Geng. Used. 3

286.23

己卜其三牛匕(妣)庚 一二
Divined on Ji: Should (use) three head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 12

286.24

己卜其才(在)用卯三牛匕(妣)庚 一二
Divined on Ji: Should use what is here and butcher three head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 12

286.25

己卜(暮) (殺)卯三牛匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: At twilight,[425] kill (and) butcher three head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

286.26

己卜(暮) (殺)卯三牛匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Ji: At twilight, kill (and) butcher three head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 2

286.27

庚卜子弜(勿)猷其[ ] [父*]丙 一
Divined on Geng: Our lord ought not (formulate a) plan.[426] Should [unclear sense]…[Father*] Bing.[427] 1

286.28

辛[卜]于既乎(呼)食迺宜 一
[Divined] on Xin: After calling to eat, then make (or: provide) the viands. 1

286.29

壬卜卜宜不吉子弗(遭)又(有) (艱) 一
Divined on Ren: Divining about viands is inauspicious. Our lord will not encounter and have any affliction. 1

286.30

壬卜帚(婦)好告子于丁弗 一
Divined on Ren: Lady Hao will report our lord (to) His Highness. (His Highness) will not [unclear meaning] about it. 1

286.31

癸卜子其告人亡由(怞)于丁亡(以) 一
Divined on Gui: If our lord reports that there is no despair amongst the men to His Highness, (he) will not take (anything). 1

HYZ 287

287.1

三十
Thirty.

HYZ 288

288.1

癸巳[歲]癸子一 一
On Guisi, [sacrifice] (to) Gui Child one ewe. 1

288.2

乙酉卜(嘉)帚(婦)好六緌若衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Yiyou: Commend[428] Lady Hao (with) six tassels,[429] (for it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. Used. 1

288.3

乙酉卜[ (嘉)]帚(婦)好
Divined on Yiyou …[commend] Lady Hao…

288.4

[戊]子卜迺眔(微)
Divined on [Wu]zi: Then…together with Wei.

288.5

戊子卜其乎(呼)子(畫)匄[馬]不死用 一
Divined on Wuzi: If calling lord Hua to request [horses], (horses) are not going to die. Used. 1

288.6

戊子卜其匄馬又(有)力(嘉)引 一
Divined on Wuzi: If requesting horses, there will be joy; (they) will be led in. 1

288.7

甲午卜子(速)不其各子(占)曰不其各乎(呼)鄉(饗)用(刮)且(祖)甲彡(肜) 一二
Divined on Jiawu: Our lord will invite (His Highness), (but he) likely will not arrive. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “If (he) does not come, (I) will call to feast.” Used. Carved (meat used for) Ancestor Jia’s Rong-rite. 12

288.8

甲午卜丁其各子叀(惠) 琡(肇)丁不用(刮)且(祖)甲彡(肜) 一
Divined on Jiawu: If His Highness arrives, it should be Zhou’s[430] large jade tablets that are dispensed (to) His Highness. Not used. Carved (meat used for) Ancestor Jia’s Rong-rite. 1

288.9

乙未卜子其(往) 隻(獲)不鼄隻(獲)三鹿 一
Divined on Yiwei: If our lord goes (to) Qin, (he) will make captures (and) take (them) alive.[431] Captured three deer. 1

288.10

乙未卜子其(往)于隻(獲)子(占)曰其隻(獲)用隻(獲)三鹿 一二
Divined on Yiwei: If our lord goes to Qin, (he) will make captures. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Likely make captures.” Used. Captured three deer. 12

288.11

乙未卜子其入三弓若衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Yiwei: If our lord contributes three bows, (it) will be favorable and bring happiness. Used. 1

288.12

己亥卜母(毋) (往)于田其又(有)史(事)子(占)曰其又(有)史(事)用又(有)
宜 一
Divined on Jihai: (Our lord) must not go to the fields, (for) there is likely to be service. Our lord read the crack and said, “Will likely have service.” Used. There was viand (service). 1

HYZ 289

289.1

叀(惠) (微)□又(有) (瞿)若 一
It should be Wei...have lances*, (for) will be favorable. 1

289.2

癸亥歲癸子 二
On Guihai, sacrifice (to) Gui Child. 2

289.3

癸亥歲癸子一 一
On Guihai, sacrifice (to) Gui Child one ewe. 1

289.4

丙卜子其(往)于田弜(勿)由祼若用 一二
Divined on Bing: If our lord goes to the fields, (he) ought not (go) from the ale libation,[432] (for) it will be favorable. Used. 12

289.5

丙寅卜賈馬[異]弗馬 一
Divined on Bingyin: (As for) trading horses, [perhaps][433] no horses will be traded for.[434] 1

289.6

丙寅其(禦)隹(唯)賈視馬于癸子叀(惠)一伐一牛一鬯夢用 一二
On Bingyin, when making an exorcism rite, it being for the trader-inspected horses to Gui Child,[435] it should be one human beheading, one head of cattle, (and) one bowl of aromatic ale that are announced by written record (as sacrificial offerings along with) the dream.[436] Used. 12

289.7

丁卯卜子其(往)田从西冓(遘) (獸)子(占)曰不三一(孚) 一二三
Divined on Dingmao: If our lord goes to hunt from Qin’s western trails, (he) will encounter wild animals. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Not going to be three. One.” Trusted.[437] 123

HYZ 290

290.1

辛卯卜貞(王婦)母又(有)言子从(微)不从子臣 一
Divined on Xinmao, testing: The Majestic Lady Mother will have words (that) our lord follows Wei, (and) is not to follow our lord’s servitors.[438] 1

290.2

壬辰卜乎(呼)[ (微)] (禦)于又(有)示
Divined on Renchen: Call for [Wei] to be exorcised about the altars (/spirit tablets).

290.3

壬辰卜子祼(更) 一二三
Divined on Renchen: Our lord will libate ale (to) Geng. [439] 123

290.4

癸巳卜自今三旬又(有)至南弗(及)三旬二旬又三日至 一
Divined on Guisi: Three weeks from today there will be an arrival south. It is not going to reach three weeks; will arrive in two weeks and three days. 1440

290.5

亡其至南
There might not (by this time) be an arrival south.

290.6

出自三旬迺至 一
Exit (and) three weeks from (today) then will arrive. 1

290.7

甲午卜其(禦)宜夨(昃)乙未夨(昃) (酒)大乙用一
Divined on Jiawu: (We) should make an exorcism rite and provide viands[441] in the afternoon; in the afternoon of Yiwei there will be an Yi-rite and ale libation to Da Yi. Used. 1

290.8

乙未卜乎(呼)多賈(服)西鄉(饗)用夨(昃) 一
Divined on Yiwei: Call the slaves of the Many Traders to make a west feast.[442] Used. Afternoon. 1

290.9

乙未卜乎(呼)多賈(服)西鄉(饗)用夨(昃) 二
Divined on Yiwei: Call the slaves of the Many Traders to make a west feast. Used. Afternoon. 2

290.10

乙未卜乎(呼) (微) (燕>宴)見用 二
Divined on Yiwei: Call Wei to banquet and have audience.[443] Used. 2

290.11

乙未卜乎(呼) (微) (燕>宴)見用 二
Divined on Yiwei: Call Wei to banquet and have audience. Used. 2

290.12

乙未卜子其史(使) (往)西(毖)子媚若一
Divined on Yiwei: If our lord dispatches Wei to go west and warn[444] lord Mei,[445] (it) will be favorable. 1

290.13

戊戌卜又(有)至(艱) 一
Divined on Wuxu: There will be (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 1

HYZ 291

291.1

庚辰歲匕(妣)庚小子祝才(在) 一
On Gengchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some small pen-raised sheep (and) our lord will pray. At Lu. 1

291.2

甲申歲且(祖)甲小鬯一子祝才(在) 一二
On Jiashen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some small pen-raised sheep, offer one bowl of aromatic ale, (and) our lord will pray. At Lu. 12

291.3

乙酉歲且(祖)乙小豭鬯一 一二
On Yiyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some small pen-raised sheep, boars, (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 12

291.4

乙酉歲且(祖)乙小豭鬯一祝才(在) 二三四
On Yiyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some small pen-raised sheep, boars, offer one bowl of aromatic ale, (and) [uncertain name] will pray. At Lu. 234

HYZ 292

292.1

其乍(作)宗叀(惠)大紤 二
When building the ancestral temple, it should be a large number of tapestries. 2

292.2

叀(惠)小紤 二
It should be a small number of tapestries. 2

292.3

卜
Divined…

292.4

歲
… sacrifice some pen-raised sheep…

HYZ 293

293.1

叀(惠)[ ]舞 二
It should be [Tuo*] who dances. 2

293.2

庚午卜叀(惠) (拔)先舞用 一
Divined on Gengwu: It should be “Uproot” which is first danced. Used. 1

293.3

辛未卜子其告舞用 一
Divined on Xinwei: Our lord should announce the dances. Used. 1

293.4

辛未卜子弜(勿)告奏不用 一
Divined on Xinwei: Our lord ought not announce the songs. Not Used. 1

HYZ 294

294.1

壬子卜子其告(戎)既(率)丁子曾告曰丁族(宓) (孰(塾))宅子其乍(作) 丁予(序)于(戎) 一
Divined on Renzi: Our lord should report that Rong is already under control (to) His Highness. Lord Zeng reported (it), saying, “His Highness’ clan-based military unit[446] is safe[447] and residing (in) stations next to the main gate;[448] Your son (or: Our lord) shall (< expects to) build His Highness’ school[449] in Rong.” 1

294.2

壬子卜子戠(待)弜(勿)告(戎)既(率)于[丁]若一
Divined on Renzi: Our lord will wait; do not report that Rong is already under control to [His Highness], (for it) will be favorable. 1

294.3

壬子卜子(寢)于(戎)弜(勿)告于丁 一
Divined on Renzi: Our lord houses in Rong; do not report (it) to His Highness. 1

294.4

壬子卜子丙其乍(作)丁予(序)于(戎) 一
Divined on Renzi: Our lord, on a Bing day, should build His Highness’ school in Rong. 1

294.5

甲寅卜子屰(逆)卜(外)母(子)于帚(婦)好若 一二三
Divined on Jiayin: Our lord will welcome (his) Aunt’s children[450] at Lady Hao’s (location), (for it) will be favorable. 123

294.6

一二三
…123

294.7

乙卯卜子丙(速)不用 一二
Divined on Yimao: Our lord, on a Bing day, will invite (others). Not used. 12

294.8

乙卯卜歲且(祖)乙牢子其自弜(勿) (速)用 一二
Divined on Yimao: In sacrificing (to) Ancestor Yi some pen-raised cattle, our lord should do it himself; (he) ought not invite (anyone else). Used. 12

294.9

庚申卜貞執死 一二
Divined on Gengshen, tested: Shackled (prisoners) will die. 12

HYZ 295

295.1

戊午卜子又(有)乎(呼)逐鹿不(奔)馬用 一二三
Divined on Wuwu: Our lord has a call to pursue deer. There will be no racing horses.[451] 123

295.2

庚申卜于既乎(呼) 用 一二三四
Divined on Gengshen: Upon finishing the call…Used. 1234

295.3

辛酉卜从曰昔(擒)子(占)曰其(擒)用三鹿 一二
Divined on Xinyou: Following, declare (to hunt at) the previous location (and) there will be captures.[452] Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “There will likely be capture.” Used. Three deer. 12

295.4

壬戌一臣(擒)子(占)曰其一鹿用 一二
On Renxu, one of the servitors[453] will make a capture. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Likely one deer.”[454] Used. 12

HYZ 296

296.1

戊戌卜[ ]囗于[馬] 一
Divined on Wuxu: [Foals]...for [horses]. 1

296.2

庚子歲匕(妣)庚 一
On Gengzi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some sows. 1

296.3

癸卯卜其入瑦(琡)衍(侃)用 一二三
Divined on Guimao: If contributing large jade tablets, (it) will bring happiness. Used. 123

296.4

癸卯卜子弜(勿)告帚(婦)好若用 一
Divined on Guimao: Our lord ought not report (them to) Lady Hao, (for it) will be favorable. 1

296.5

癸卯卜弜(勿)告帚(婦)好用 一
Divined on Guimao: (Our lord) ought not report (them to) Lady Hao. Used. 1

296.6

甲辰歲且(祖)甲一 一二三四
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one ewe. 1234

296.7

乙巳歲且(祖)乙白彘又(有) (登) 一二
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some white wild boars, (and) there will be (> add) a cereal offering. 12

296.8

丁未歲匕(妣)庚一(登)隹 一二三
On Dingwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one sow, raise (cereal), (and offer some) birds.[455] 123

HYZ 297

297.1

己未卜子其尋宜叀(惠) (往)于日用(往) 一二三
Divined on Jiwei: If our lord seeks viands, it should be during the daytime that he goes. Used. Went to Fu. 123

HYZ 298

298.1

己用 三
On Ji…Used. 3

298.2

辛予其己 一二
On Xin…Yu…should…Ji…12

298.3

于其 一二三
…to…should…123

298.4

子(巳)卜
Divined on…si[456]…

298.5

叀(惠)
…it should be…

298.6

戊午
On Wuwu…

298.7

一一
…11

298.8

癸酉其
On Guiyou, if…

298.9

丁
…Ding…

298.10

…

HYZ 299

299.1

丁卯卜乙亥叀(惠) (禦) (往) 一
Divined on Dingmao: On Yihai, it should be an exorcism rite that is sent off. 1

299.2

又(有)吉(佶)牛叀(惠)之(殺) 一
(As for) the prime cattle, it should be these that are killed. 1

299.3

叀(惠)白一牛 一
It should be one head of white cattle. 1

299.4

二_2

299.5

戊辰卜大[又(有)]疾亡(延) 一
Divined on Wuchen: The illness that Da has will not persist. 1

299.6

其(延) 一
It might persist. 1

HYZ 300

300.1

丙寅卜才(在) (柚)由友又(有)同隹(唯)其又(有)吉 一
Divined on Bingyin, at You: You You[457] has an assembly;[458] it means there will likely be good fortune. 1

300.2

隹(唯) (虞)
It means (reason to be) upset.

HYZ 301

301.1

丁
…Ding…

301.2

子: 其雨
Our lord: It might rain.

HYZ 302+344

302+344.1

乙亥歲且(祖)乙牢[ ]鬯一[隹(唯)] (狩) (禦) (往) 一
On Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some pen-raised cattle (and) [offer] one bowl of aromatic ale, [it being] directed to protect the hunt. 1

HYZ 303

303.1

癸酉夕卜乙丁出子(占)曰丙其 一
Divined on the evening of Guiyou: On day Yi, His Highness will leave. Our lord read the crack and said, “On day Bing, (His Highness) should (leave).” 1

HYZ 304

304.1

甲卜子疾首亡(延) 一
Divined on Jia: Our lord’s sick head (> headache(s))[459] will not persist. 1

304.2

子疾首亡(延) 二
Our lord’s sick head (> headache(s)) will not persist. 2

304.3

乙卜弜(勿)又(有)于庚 一

(

Divined on Yi: Do not add anything (> offer anything) on day Geng (or: for Ancestress) Geng). 1

304.4

乙歲于匕(妣)庚[彘] 一
On Yi, sacrifice to Ancestress Geng some [wild boars]. 1

304.5

乙歲于匕(妣)庚彘 二
On Yi, sacrifice to Ancestress Geng some wild boars.[460] 2

304.6

丙宜羊 一
On Bing, make (or: provide) lamb viands. 1

304.7

丙弜(勿)宜 一
On Bing, do not make (or: provide) viands. 1

304.8

戊卜(將)匕(妣)己示眔匕(妣)丁若 一
Divined on Wu: Carry in (sacrificial offerings) (to) Ancestress Ji’s altar together with Ancestress Ding’s [altar], (for it) will be favorable. 1

HYZ 305

305.1

甲子卜子其舞衍(侃)不用 一二
Divined on Jiazi: If our lord dances, (it) will bring happiness. Not used. 12

305.2

甲子卜子戠(待)弜(勿)舞用 一二
Divined on Jiazi: Our lord will wait; do not dance. Used. 12

HYZ 306

306.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 307

307.1

貞大 一
Tested: (about) Da. 1

307.2

一
… 1

HYZ 308

308.1

一二_12

308.2

一二_12

308.3

一_1

308.4

二_2

308.5

三四_34

HYZ 309

309.1

辛亥卜才(在) 亞于商 二
Divined on Xinhai: At…ancestor temple shrine in Shang. 2

309.2

壬子歲且(祖)甲于□亞 一
On Renzi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia…in…ancestor temple’s shrine.[461] 1

309.3

二_2

309.4

且(祖)甲白一且(祖)乙白一匕(妣)庚白一 二
…Ancestor Jia one white sow, Ancestor Yi one white sow, (and) Ancestress Geng one white sow. 2

309.5

己未又一 一
On Jiwei, there will be (> add) …one sow. 1

309.6

乙卜又(有)祭且(祖)乙
Divined on Yi: …there will be (> add) a meat-sacrifice…Ancestor Yi.

309.7

琡 二
…large jade tablet…2

HYZ 310

310.1

甲戌夕歲牝一且(祖)乙(刮)彡(肜) 一二三
On the evening of Jiaxu, sacrifice one cow (to) Ancestor Yi and carve it (for) Rong-rite (offerings)…[462] 123

310.2

甲戌夕(酒)伐一且(祖)乙卯 九十
On the evening of Jiaxu, make an ale libation, behead one (human) (to) Ancestor Yi and butcher…910463

HYZ 311

311.1

庚午歲匕(妣)庚牢牝且(祖)乙(延) (殺)才(在) (戎) 一二三
On Gengwu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pen-raised cattle— cows, and (to) Ancestor Yi, continue to make killings. At Rong. 123

HYZ 312

312.1

戊午卜我人(擒)子(占)曰其(擒)用才(在)觴(唐) 一
Divined on Wuwu: Our men will make captures. Our lord read the crack and said, “Should make captures.” Used. At Tang.[464] 1

312.2

戊午卜敖(擒) 一
Divined on Wuwu: Ao[465] will make captures. 1

312.3

戊午卜才(在)觴(唐)子立于彔(麓)中(脊*)子(占)曰企(敗) 一
Divined on Wuwu, at Tang: Our lord will take a position by the middle ridge* of the foothills. Our lord read the crack and said, “The plan* fails.”[466] 1

HYZ 313

313.1

戊戌卜叀(惠)羊歲匕(妣)己用 一
Divined on Wuxu: It should be sheep that are sacrificed (to) Ancestress Ji. Used. 1

313.2

己亥卜于匕(妣)庚[ ]亡豕用 一二
Divined on Jihai: To Ancestress Geng, [make a requital offering][467] (with) Mang’s[468] pigs.[469] Used. 12

313.3

己亥歲匕(妣)己[羊]用 一
On Jihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji [some sheep]. Used. 1

HYZ 314

314.1

甲戌卜(暮) (殺)且(祖)乙歲用 一
Divined on Jiaxu: At dusk, kill Ancestor Yi’s sacrifice. Used. 1

314.2

乙亥卜叀(惠)賈視眔匕(比)用 一
Divined on Yihai: It should be the trader-inspected [horses] that are joined and aligned.[470] Used. 1

314.3

賈(金) 一
Trade metal. 1

314.4

丙子歲匕(妣)庚告夢 一
On Bingzi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some rams (and) announce the dream. 1

314.5

丙子卜子夢祼告匕(妣)庚用 一
Divined on Bingzi: (As for) our lord’s dream, libate ale and announce (it) to Ancestress Geng. Used. 1

314.6

子从(殺) 又(有)鬯匕(妣)庚夢用 一
Our lord, from killing rams, will have aromatic ale (for) Ancestress Geng (and) [announce] the dream.[471] Used. 1

314.7

己卯歲匕(妣)己一 一
On Jimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one sow. 1

314.8

己卯歲匕(妣)己一 一二三
On Jimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one sow. 123

HYZ 315

315.1

十
Ten.

HYZ 316

316.1

戊申歲且(祖)戊犬一 一二
On Wushen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Wu one dog. 12

316.2 +5

壬子卜其(殺) (剪)友(有)若用 一二四
Divined on Renzi: If killing (and) cutting (unstated sacrificial animals),[472] there will be favor.[473] Used. 124

316.3

癸丑卜翌日甲寅(往)田子(占)曰其(往)用从西 一二
Divined on Guichou: Tomorrow, Jiayin, go to hunt. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Should go.” Used. From the west. 12

316.4

癸丑[卜]
[Divined] on Guichou…

HYZ 317

317.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 318

318.1

卯
Mao.

318.2

甲子卜二鬯祼且(祖)甲于歲鬯三 一
Divined on Jiazi: Two bowls of aromatic ale to make libations (to) Ancestor Jia; at the sacrifice, three bowls of aromatic ale. [474] 1

318.3

甲子卜二鬯祼且(祖)甲用 一
Divined on Jiazi: Two bowls of aromatic ale to make libations (to) Ancestor Jia. Used. 1

318.5

甲子卜二鬯祼且(祖)甲用 二
Divined on Jiazi: Two bowls of aromatic ale to make libations (to) Ancestor Jia. Used. 2

318.4

甲子卜祼咸鬯且(祖)甲用 一
Divined on Jiazi: To make libations, all of the aromatic ale Used. 1
(to) Ancestor Jia.

318.6

戊辰卜丁(往)田用 一
Divined on Wuchen: His Highness will go to hunt. Used. 1

HYZ 319

319.1

乙丑歲且(祖)乙黑牡一子祝肩(禦) (微)才(在) 一
On Yichou, sacrifice Ancestor Yi one black cow (and) our lord will pray (about) the shoulder exorcism (for) Wei.[475] At Fu. 1

319.2

乙丑歲且(祖)乙黑牡一子祝肩(禦) (微)才(在) 一二
On Yichou, sacrifice Ancestor Yi one black cow (and) our lord will pray (about) the shoulder exorcism (for) Wei. At Fu. [476] 12

HYZ 320

320.1

何于丁屰(逆) 一
He[477] will be met by His Highness. 1

320.2

于母婦 一
By our Mother Lady.[478] 1

320.3

其(艱) 一
There might be affliction. 1

320.4

其(圄)何
(They) might confine He.

320.5

丁卜弗其夷何其(艱) 一
Divined on Ding: Assuming (they) are not going to pacify He, there might be affliction.[479] 1

320.6

庚卜才(在) 歲匕(妣)庚三又(有)鬯二至(禦) 百牛又五
Divined on Geng, at Lai: Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng three rams (and) have two bowls of aromatic ale to deliver the exorcism; announce by written record (sacrifice of) one hundred and five head of cattle.

320.7

庚寅子入亖(四) (璋*)于丁才(在)
On Gengyin, our lord will contribute four arc-ended jade tablets* to His Highness. At Lai.

HYZ 321

321.1

甲辰歲癸子牡一 一
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Gui Child one bull. 1

321.2

甲辰歲癸子牡一 二
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Gui Child one bull. 2

321.3

丙辰卜又(有)取弗死 一
Divined on Bingchen: Jin,[480] having a pick up,[481] is not going to die. 1

321.4

庚申歲匕(妣)庚小鬯一且(祖)乙(延)子鄉(饗) 一
On Gengshen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some small pen-raised sheep (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. Continued from Ancestor Yi. Our lord feasted. 1

321.5

甲子卜貞中周妾不死 一二
Divined on Jiazi, testing: Si,[482] Zhong Zhou’s consort, is not going to die.[483] 12

321.6

甲子卜其死 一二
Divined on Jiazi: Si is likely to die. 12

HYZ 322

322.1

甲卜弜(勿) (殺)于匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Jia: Do not make a killing (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

HYZ 323

323.1

子□□匕(妣)庚小祝才(在) (戎) 一
…zi…Ancestress Geng small pen-raised sheep (and) X will pray. At Rong. 1

HYZ 324

324.1

戊戌卜其宜子(鑊)[ ](丙)用 一
Divined on Wuwu: If making (or: providing) viands, our lord will cook Bing’s (or: cook on a Bing day).[484] Used. 1

324.2

己亥卜弜(勿)巳[ ]眔[ (送)]黑 一
Divined on Jihai: Do not stop (or: change) [mares] being joined with [Song’s][485] blacks.[486] 1

324.3

己亥卜子叀(惠)今用隹(唯)亡豕 一
Divined on Jihai: It should be today that our lord…Used. It was Mang’s pigs. 1

324.4

己巳歲匕(妣)己 一
On Jisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji some sows. 1

324.5

弜(勿)食多[工]用 一
Do not feed the Many [Artisans].[487] Used. 1

HYZ 325

325.1

用 一
Used. 1

HYZ 326

326.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

326.2

子貞 二
Our lord tested. 2

HYZ 327

327.1

周入亖
Zhou[488] contributes four.

HYZ 328

328.1

一_1

HYZ 329

329.1

疋
Xu[489]

HYZ 330

330.1

甲子歲且(祖)甲子祝才(在) 一二
On Jiazi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some male wild boars (and) our lord will pray. At Fu. 12

HYZ 331

331.1

辛卜(王婦)女(母)曰子丁曰子其又(有)疾允其又(有) 一二
Divined on Xin: The Majestic Lady Mother said, “Son, His Highness said ‘Our son will likely have sickness.’” (Our lord/I) really might have (sickness). 12
[Or: The Majestic Lady Mother has told our lord (that) our Highness has said (that) our lord might get sick. (Our lord/I) really might have (sickness).]

331.2

其(寐)若 一
If he sleeps (or: If I sleep), it will be favorable. 1

HYZ 332 + 534

332.1

辛未卜西鄉(向)散用 二
Divined on Xinwei: Scatter (the herd/hunted animals) in a western direction.[490] Used. 2

HYZ 333

333.1

乙丑卜又(有)吉子具其[ (以)]入若衍(侃)又(有) 徝(值)用 五六七八
Divined on Yichou: (As for) the best sickles, our lord should bring and contribute (them) all altogether, (for it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. There will be a Piao visitation. Used. 5678

HYZ 334

334.1

二_2

HYZ 335

335.1

丁酉卜今夕丁(往) 一
Divined on Dingyou: This evening His Highness will go to Fu. 1

335.2

甲辰宜[丁]牝一[丁]各夨(昃)于我翌日于大甲 一二三
On Jiachen, make (or: provide) (for) His Highness meat viands (from) one cow. His Highness arrives in the late afternoon to us, the Yi-rite [day] for Da Jia. Used. 123

HYZ 336

336.1

甲寅卜乙卯子其學商丁衍(侃)子(占)曰其又(有) (禱) (艱)用子髀 一二三四五
Divined on Jiayin: On Yimao if our lord practices “Shang”, His Highness will be happy. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Should have prayer. Affliction.”[491] Used. Lord Bi.[492] 12345

336.2

丙辰歲匕(妣)己一告髀 一
On Bingchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one sow (and) report Bi. 1

336.4

丙辰歲匕(妣)己一告子髀 二三四
On Bingchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one sow (and) report lord Bi. 234

336.3

丙辰卜于匕(妣)己(禦)子髀用 一二
Divined on Bingchen: To Ancestress Ji, make an exorcism rite (for) lord Bi. Used. 12

HYZ 337

337.1

乙歲羊匕(妣)庚 一二
On Yi, sacrifice sheep (to) Ancestress Geng. 12

337.2

己卜子(金) 一
Divined on Ji: Lord Jin. 1

337.3

己 一二
…Ji. 12

337.4

庚卜子(金) 一二
Divined on Geng: Lord Jin. 12

337.5

十月丁出(狩) 一
In the tenth month, His Highness will exit to hunt. 1

HYZ 338

338.1

甲辰歲萈且(祖)甲又(有)友用 一
On Jiachen, sacrificing some mountain rams (to) Ancestor Jia, have (another) offering (> pair it with something else). Used. 1

338.2

甲辰歲且(祖)甲萈一友[彘] 一
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one mountain ram (and) pair [wild boar] with it. 1

338.3

甲辰歲且(祖)甲萈一友彘 二三
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one mountain ram (and) pair wild boar with it.[493] 23

338.4

甲辰卜子(往)宜田(上甲)掔用(鑊)
Divined on Jiachen: Our lord will go to the viand-offering service, (and) carry in Shang Jia’s (meat). Used. Cooked.

HYZ 339

339.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 340

340.1

癸巳宜牝一才(在)入 一二
On Guisi, make (or: provide) viands (from) one cow. At Ru. 12

340.2

甲午宜一牢伐一人才(在) [入] 一二三
On Jiawu, make viands (from) one head of pen-raised cattle (and) behead one human. At [Ru]…123

340.3

(暮) (酒)宜一牢伐一人用 一二
At dusk libate ale, (then) make viands (from) one head of pen-raised cattle (and) behead one human. Used. 12

HYZ 341

341.1

一[ (千)]
One [thousand*]

HYZ 342

342.1

乙丑[卜]又(有)吉(刈)子具 一
[Divined] on Yichou: As for the best sickles, our lord…all together[494]…1

HYZ 343

343.1

甲戌卜其夕[又(有)]伐且(祖)乙卯[廌] 一
Divined on Jiaxu: (We) should, in the evening, [have] a beheading (for) Ancestor Jia (and) butcher some [antelope]. 1

343.2

甲戌卜其又(有)□伐且(祖)乙不用 一二
Divined on Jiaxu: (We) should have…beheading (for) Ancestor Yi. Not used. 12

HYZ 344 + 302 (See 302)

HYZ 345

345.1

又(有)羌 一
Have (> Add) Qiang. 1

345.2

弜(勿)又(有)羌 一
Do not have (> Add) Qiang. 1

345.3

叀(惠)一牛 一
It should be one head of cattle. 1

345.4

弜(勿)
Do not.

345.5

弗正
It will not be correct.

345.6

叀(惠)牝 一
It should be cows. 1

345.7

叀(惠)二牛 一
It should be two head of cattle. 1

HYZ 346

346.1

子
Our lord.

346.2

二
Female servants. 2

346.3

三成 一
Complete in threes.[495] 1

346.4

四成 二
Complete in fours. 2

346.5

衍(侃) 一
Will bring happiness. 1

HYZ 347-348

347.1

至□
Will arrive…

347.2

其
Should.

348.1

三十
Thirty

HYZ 349

349.1

…...

349.2

弜(勿) [卯]于 一
…do not [butcher] (anything) for…1

349.3

子亡□
Our lord will not have…

349.4

□于□弜(勿) 于□乙□其丁又(有)疾
…to…ought not…to…Yi…; if day Ding, there will be illness.

349.5

丁 一
…His Highness…1

349.6

亞
…Ya…

349.7

子
…our lord…

349.20

子又(有)鬼夢亡(戾) 一
Our lord had a demon dream; there will be no misfortune. 1

349.19

子夢丁亡(戾)
一
Our lord dreamt.
His Highness will have no misfortune. 1

349.16

子貞 一
Tested: (for) Our lord. 1

349.10

貞(中(仲)子) 二
Tested: (for) Middle son.[496] 2

349.14

子亡(戾) 二
Our lord will have no misfortune. 2

349.17

貞母 一
Tested: (for) Mother. 1

349.8

貞(陞) 一
Tested: (for) Sheng. 1

349.18

貞(陞) 二
Tested: (for) Sheng. 2

349.9

貞筒 一
Tested: (for) Tong. 1

349.11

二
…2

349.12

勿(刎)馬
Slit a horse’s throat.

349.13

勿(刎)馬 二
Slit a horse’s throat. 2

349.15

一二
…12

HYZ 350

350.1

甲辰夕歲且(祖)乙黑牡一子祝翌日(刮) 一
On the evening of Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one black bull (and)
our lord will pray. Carved (one black bull) for Yi-rite. 1

HYZ 351

351.1

一二三_123

351.2

一二三_123

351.3

戊子卜才(在) 貞不子(曲)又(有)疾亡(延)不死 一二三
Divined on Wuzi, at Fu, tested: Pou’s child Qu[497] has illness. It will not persist (he) is not going to die. 123

351.4

戊子卜才(在) 貞其死 一二三
Divined on Wuzi, at Fu, tested: (He) might die. 123

351.5

戊子卜才(在) (敖)言曰翌日其于(舊)官(館)宜允其用 一
Divined on Wuzi, at Fu: Ao’s words said that tomorrow viand service should be held in the old guesthouse.[498] It really should. Used. 1

HYZ 352

352.1

己丑歲匕(妣)庚牝一子(往)于澫(禦) 一
On Jichou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one cow; our lord will go to the Wan River and make the exorcism. 1

352.2

壬辰卜子夕乎(呼)多尹□ 南豕弗冓(遘)子(占)曰弗其冓(遘)用 一
Divined on Renchen: Our lord, in the evening, will call the Many Commanders...southern Qin pigs;[499] (they) will not encounter any. Our lord read the crack and said, “Will likely not encounter any.” Used. 1

352.3

于賈視 一
To be inspected by the Trader(s). 1

352.4

于賈視 一
To be inspected by the Trader(s). 1

352.5

于(送)黑(左)□ 一
Among Song’s black (horses), the left…1

352.6

丙申夕卜子又(有)鬼夢祼告于匕(妣)庚用 一
Divined on the evening of Bingshen: Our lord had a demon dream. Make an ale libation and announce (it) to Ancestress Geng. Used. 1.

HYZ 353

353.1

己酉歲匕(妣)己一 一
On Jiyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one ewe. 1

353.2

庚戌卜小子(刮)匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Gengxu: (My/Our lord’s) small son will carve (sacrificial meat) (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

HYZ 354

354.1

乙亥歲且(祖)乙小子祝才(在) 一
On Yihai, sacrifice Ancestor Yi small pen-raised rams (and) our lord will pray. At Lu. 1
□

354.2

一_1

354.3

甲申又(有)鬯用 一
On Jiashen, have (> add) aromatic ale. Used. 1

354.4

甲申歲且(祖)[甲]小鬯一子祝才(在) 一
On Jiashen, sacrifice Ancestor [Jia] some small pen-raised sheep, offer one (bowl of) aromatic ale, (and) our lord will pray. At Lu. 1

HYZ 355

355.1

乙巳卜子其[叀(惠)]多尹令酓(飲)若用 一
Divined on Yisi: When our lord orders (someone) to drink (or: to provide the drinks), [it should be] the Many Commanders, (for it) will be favorable Used. 1

355.2

乙巳卜于□酓(飲)若用 一二三四五
Divined on Yisi: By…drink, (for it) will be favorable. Used. 12345

355.3

乙巳卜于入酓(飲)用 一二
Divined on Yisi: (Coming to >) In Ru, drink (or: provide drinks). Used. 12

355.4

丙午卜其入自西祭若于己酉用 一二
Divined on Bingwu: When contributing sacrificial items from the west, (it) will be favorable (to do so) by Jiyou. Used. 12

355.5

戊申歲且(祖)戊犬一 一
On Wushen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Wu one dog. 1

HYZ 356-357

356.1

己卜子其于之若 一
Divined on Ji: Our lord should…, (for) in that will be favorable. 1

356.2

[庚]
…[Geng]…

356.3

甲卜翌日乙
Divined on Jia: Tomorrow, day Yi…

356.4

甲[卜]翌日乙弜(勿) 丁
[Divined] on Jia: Tomorrow, day Yi, do not...His Highness.

356.5

[隹(唯)] 示卯 一
…[being]…altar…butcher…1

357.1

三十
Thirty

HYZ 358

358.1

(左) (剝)
… (on the) left will be cut (> damaged).

HYZ 359-360

359.1

丙卜叀(惠)小白(圭)[見(獻)]丁 一
Divined on Bing: It should be small, white pointed jade tablets [that are presented] (to) His Highness. 1

359.2

丙卜叀(惠)小白(圭)見(獻)丁 二
Divined on Bing: It should be small, white pointed jade tablets [that are presented] (to) His Highness. [500] 2

360.1

三十
Thirty.

HYZ 361-362

361.1

丙卜子既祝又(有)若弗(左)匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Bing: Our lord has already prayed. There is favor; Ancestress Geng does not oppose it. 1

361.2

丁
His Highness.

362.1

庚入五
Geng contributes five.

HYZ 363

363.1

□卜才(在) 京(柚) (迄) (虣)大(獸) [用]
Divined on…, at You: (The time has come to) finally hunt large animals strong-armed…[Used.]

363.2

□[ (迄)] (虣)大(獸)
…[finally] hunt large animals strong-armed…

363.3

[辛][卜]歲且(祖)[辛] (登)自丁[ (黍)]才(在) 觴(唐)且(祖)甲[ (延)]一
[Divined] [on Xin]: Sacrifice (to) Ancestor [Xin][501] some ewes (and) offer [shu-millet] from His Highness. At Tang. [Continued] (from) Ancestor Jia. 1

363.4

丁卯卜子勞丁爯(稱)黹(圭)一九才(在) (狩)自觴(唐) 一
Divined on Dingmao: Our lord will comfort His Highness.[502] (Our lord) will hold up one multicolored pointed jade tablet (and) nine ear ornaments. At Fu. Hunt. From Tang.[503] 1

363.5

丁卯卜爯(稱)于丁厀(卮)才(在) (庭)迺爯(稱)若用才(在) 一二
Divined on Dingmao: To hold up (jades) to His Highness, kneeling in the courtyard (and) then holding (them) up will be favorable. Used. At Fu. 12

HYZ 364

364.1

貞子亡(戾) 一
Tested: Our lord will have no misfortune. 1

364.2

又(有) (戾)子 二
There will be misfortune for our lord. 2

364.3

用 一
Used. 1

HYZ 365

365.1

[至] 三
…[arrive]…three…

365.2

□[牛]
…[cattle]…

365.3

一又(有)告
…one…have an announcement…

365.4

乎(呼)
…call…

365.5

(耤)弜(勿)□ (殺)若
(As for) the plowing rite*, do not…kill, (for it) will be favorable.

HYZ 366

366.1

乙丑卜[ (登)] 宗丁(及)乙亥不出(狩) 一三
Divined on Yichou: [Will raise*]…ancestral temple. His Highness will not exit to hunt before Yihai. 13

366.2

乙丑卜丁弗(及)乙亥其出子(占)曰庚辛出 一二三
Divined on Yichou: His Highness might exit before reaching day Yihai. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “On a Geng (or) Xin day (he) will exit.”[504] 123

HYZ 367

367.1

朕
Zhen

367.2

癸亥卜新馬于賈視 一二
Divined on Guihai: New horses will be inspected by the Trader(s). 12

367.3

于賈視 一二
Will be inspected by the Trader(s). 12

367.4

新馬子用又(右) 一
(As for) the new horses, our lord will use the one on the right. 1

367.5

新馬子用(左) 一
(As for) the new horses, our lord will use the one on the left. 1

367.6

賈視子用又(右) 一
(As for) the trader-inspected (horses), our lord will use the one on the right. 1

367.7

賈視子用又(右) 一
(As for) the trader-inspected (horses), our lord will use the one on the right. 1

HYZ 368

368.1

匕(妣)庚至于
…Ancestress Geng…arriving to…

368.2

至于
…arriving to…

368.3

[既] 于
…[after]…to…

368.4

卜其□羊 一
…divined…ought…sheep…1

368.5

一
…1

368.6

二_2

HYZ 369

369.1

壬辰卜貞又(有) [弗]安又(有) 非廌□子(占)曰三日不死不其死一
Divined on Renchen, tested: There is a mare that [will not] be calmed; (she) is stirred up,[505] (and) it is not the antelopes…Our lord read the crack and said, “Not dying in three days, (the mare) is not likely to die.” 1

HYZ 370

370.1

辛未卜子(往)[ ]子 (剖)□子□于覃
Divined on Xinwei: Our lord will go off; [Suo] (and) lord Pou…lord…in Qin.[506]

370.2

丁丑卜其合發眔 一
Divined on Dingchou: Should match Fa together with Suo. 1

370.3

丁丑卜弜(勿)合[發]眔[ ] 一
Divined on Dingchou: Do not match [Fa] together with [Suo]. 1

370.4

丁丑卜弜(勿)合 二
Divined on Dingchou: Do not match…2

370.5

丁亥卜□出入□用 一
Divined on Dinghai…exiting and entering…Used. 1

HYZ 371

371.1

己亥卜甲其(速)丁(往)一
Divined on Jihai: On Jia, if making an invitation, His Highness will go. 1

371.2

己亥卜丁不其(各) 一
Divined on Jihai: His Highness is not likely to arrive (by then). 1

371.3

庚子卜子告其于帚(婦) 一
Divined on Gengzi: Our lord will announce to our Lady that the millet should be harvested.[507] 1

371.4

子弜(勿)告其
Our lord ought not announce that the millet should be harvested.

HYZ 372

372.1

乙酉卜叀(惠)[ (微)] (鑊)用 一
Divined on Yiyou: It should be [Wei] who cooks. Used. 1

372.2

乙酉卜叀(惠)子[ ](鑊)不用
Divined on Yiyou: It should be our lord [who cooks].[508] Not used.

372.3

乙酉卜 一
Divined on Yiyou. 1

372.4

丙戌卜子叀(惠)辛瑟用子眔 一二[三]
Divined on Bingxu: Should it be on a Xin day that our lord plays the zither (or: has zithers played). Used. Our lord joined in. 12[3]

372.5

丙戌卜子瑟用 [一]二[三]
Divined on Bingxu: Our lord…zither. Used. [1]2[3]

372.6

甲午卜歲且(祖)甲牛叀(惠)祝 一
Divined on Jiawu: When sacrificing (to) Ancestor Jia some cattle, there should be prayer. 1

372.7

甲午卜叀(惠)子祝曰非[ (孽)]隹(唯)
Divined on Jiawu: It should be our lord who prays, saying “It is not [evil], only sickness.” [509]

372.8

甲午卜子乍(作)琡分卯[告]于丁亡[ (以)]用
Divined on Jiawu: Our lord is cutting stone to make large jade tablets. (Our lord) [will report] (this) to His Highness, (but) without taking (any). Used.[510]

372.9

己酉卜子(寢) (燕>宴)用
Divined on Jiyou: Our lord, in his chamber, will banquet. Used.

372.10

[叀(惠)][帚(婦)]好□乎(呼)見[丁]用 一
[It should be] [Lady] Hao [511] …who calls (people) to have audienceabout/with [His Highness]. Used. 1

372.11

□申卜叀(惠)子 一
Divined on…shen: It should be our lord. 1

HYZ 373

373.1

癸卯卜貞□吉又(有)史死 一
Divined on Guimao, tested…auspicious, there will be officers who die. 1

373.2

不其吉又(有)史其死 一
If it is inauspicious, there will be officers who might die. 1

HYZ 374

374.1

入一四用
…contribute one…four…Used.

374.2

( )
[unclear meaning]

374.3

二子□于丁
…two…our lord…to His Highness…

374.4

辛
…Xin…

374.5

壬卜于三[史]庚告
Divined on Ren…to…three [officers]; on day Geng, announce…

374.6

壬卜三
Divined on Ren…three sows.

374.7

癸□曰告
…Gui… say to report…

374.8

壬卜叀(惠)三牛
Divined on Ren: It should be three head of cattle.

374.9

□子□ (往)匕(妣)庚
…our lord…directed (to) Ancestress Geng.

374.10

辛卜弜(勿) (殺)匕(妣)庚
Divined on Xin: Do not make killings (for) Ancestress Geng.

374.11

用 一
Used. 1

374.12

辛卜(殺)其匕(妣)庚若
Divined on Xin: (As for) making killings, should (our lord do it for) Ancestress Geng, it will be favorable.

374.13

壬卜歲匕(妣)庚
Divined on Ren: Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng…

374.14

壬卜子三□
Divined on Ren: Our lord…ram…three.

HYZ 375

375.1

戊卜才(在) 駜又(有) (遣*)曰□ 一
Divined on Wu, at Lai: (As for) the foals, having (or: there being) a delivery
say… 1

375.2

乙丑卜由又其(延)又(有)[同]其(艱) 二
Divined on Yichou: If You You continues to have [an assembly], (there) might be affliction (for someone). 2

HYZ 376

376.1

戊申卜子[祼]于匕(妣)丁用 一
Divined on Wushen: Our lord [will libate ale] to Ancestress Ding. Used. 1

376.2

子□ 一
Our lord…1

376.3

己酉夕伐羌一才(在)入庚戌宜一牢發 一
On the evening of Jiyou, behead one Qiang. At Ru. On Gengxu, made (or: provided) meat viands from one head of pen-raised cattle, and shot. 1

HYZ 377

377.1

新(鑊)乃 一一
Xin will cook for Nai Ji.[512] 11

377.2

乃 一一
Nai [unclear meaning]. 11

HYZ 378

378.1

戊戌夕卜 [己]子[求]豕冓(遘) (擒)子(占)曰不三其一用 一二三四 Divined on the evening of Wuxu: Tomorrow, [day Ji], our lord [searching] (for) pigs, will encounter (some) and make a capture. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Not going to be three; should be (at least) one.”[513] Used.1234

378.2

弗其(擒) 一二三四
Might not capture any. 1234

378.3

(擒)豕子(占)曰其(擒)用 一二
Will capture some pigs. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Should make a capture.” 12

HYZ 379

379.1

丙辰卜子其(匄) (黍)于帚(王婦)叀(惠)配乎(呼)用 一
Divined on Bingchen: When our lord requests shu-millet from His Majesty’s Lady, it should be (our lord’s) spouse who is called upon. Used. 1

379.2

丙辰卜子(金)丁(往)于黍 一
Divined on Bingchen, lord Jin: His Highness will go to the millet (fields). 1

379.3

不其(往) 一
Not likely to go. 1

HYZ 380

380.1

Divined on Gengxu: Our lord, by day Xinhai, will dance*. Our lord read thecrack(s) and said, “Obey (this) divination.”[514] Used (for) lord Bi. 123

HYZ 381

381.1

戊戌夕卜己子其[逐]从北鄉(向) (虣)冓(遘)子(占)曰不三其一其二其又(有) (奔馬)用 一
Divined on the evening of Wuxu: Tomorrow, day Ji, if our lord [pursues]from the north side of Wei and hunts strong-armed, (he) will make an encounter Our lord read the crack and said, “There will not be three, butshould be at least one or two. There will likely be racing horses.”[515] Used. 1

381.2

于既乎(呼)用 二三
After finishing the call.[516] Used. 23

HYZ 382

382.1

丙辰卜(延)奏商若用 一二三四
Divined on Bingchen: Continuing to perform “Shang” will be favorable.Used. 1234

HYZ 383

383.1

…sow…

383.2

二
…2

383.3

二
…2

HYZ 384

384.1

壬卜子又(有)求曰(往)[ ] 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will have a request saying to go [and deliver meals].[517] 1

384.2

壬卜子又(有)求曰視丁官(館) 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will have a request saying to inspect His Highness guesthouse. 1

384.3

壬卜子(金) 一
Divined on Ren: (about) Lord Jin. 1

384.4

壬卜子(金) 一
Divined on Ren: (about) Lord Jin. 1

384.5

壬卜其(殺)牛匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ren: Should kill some cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

384.6

壬卜叀(惠) (殺)匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ren: It should be pen-raised sheep that are killed (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

384.7

壬卜子又(有)求曰(往)焚 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord will have a request saying go set fire to the bush.[518] 1

HYZ 385

385.1

一一
…11

385.2

二
…2

HYZ 386

386.1

匄黑馬 一二三
Request black horses. 123

386.2

百 一
…hundred. 1

386.3

Pen-raised sheep.

386.4

于小(騅)
Among small piebald horses.

HYZ 387

387.1

戊卜其
Divined on Wu: Should…

387.2

卜
Divined…

387.3

奠[用]□[己]
…Dian [will use]…[Ji]…

387.4

一
…1

387.5

其又(有)疾 一
…might have illness. 1

HYZ 388

388.1

告
…announce…

HYZ 389

389.1

三十
Thirty.

HYZ 390

390.1

一
…1

390.2

二
…2

390.3

一
…1

HYZ 391

391.1

己巳卜子(修) (燕>宴)用庚 一
Divined on Jisi: Our lord will cleanse (the space)[519] for the banquet. Used. Geng. 1

391.2

弜(勿)巳(修) (燕>宴) 一
Do not stop (from) cleansing (the space) for the banquet. 1

391.3

辛未卜(修) (燕>宴)不用 一
Divined on Xinwei: Cleanse (the space) for the banquet. Not used. 1

391.4

弜(勿)巳(修) (燕>宴)用 一
Do not stop (from) cleansing (the space) for the banquet. Used. 1

391.5

丁丑卜叀(惠)子舞不用 一二三
Divined on Dingchou: It should be our lord who dances. Not used. 123

391.6

弜(勿)子舞用 一二三
Do not (have) our lord’s dancing. Used. 123

391.7

庚辰卜叀(惠)賈視眔匕(比)用 一
Divined on Gengchen: It should be the trader-inspected (horses) that are joined and aligned. Used. 1

391.8

庚辰卜叀(惠)乃馬不用
Divined on Gengchen: It should be Nai’s horses. Not used.

391.9

叀(惠)乃馬眔賈視[不]用一
It should be Nai’s horses joined together with the trader-inspected ones. [Not] used.[520] 1

391.10

甲午卜子乍(作)琡分卯其告丁若 一
Divined on Jiawu: Our lord cuts apart jade to make tablets.If(he) reports to His Highness, it will be favorable. 1

391.11

甲午卜子乍(作)琡分卯子弜(勿)告丁用若 一
On Jiawu divined: Our lord cuts apart jade to make largetablets. Do not reportport to His Highness. Used. Favorable.[521] 1

HYZ 392

392.1

辛未歲且(祖)乙黑牡鬯一子祝 二
On Xinwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some black bulls, offer one bowl of aromatic ale, (and) our lord will pray. 2

392.2

三 二
…three…2

HYZ 393

393.1

(黍)
…millet.

HYZ 394

394.1

[ 匕(妣)庚]
…[Ancestress Geng]…

394.2

乙卯歲且(祖)乙一 一
On Yimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one sow. 1

394.3

庚申(酒)由宜用 一
On Gengshen, make the ale libation following the viand offering. Used. 1

HYZ 395+548

395+548.1

辛未卜其(延) 麇 一
Divined on Xinwei: (Our lord/We) should continue to sacrifice musk deeras a requital.[522] 1

395+548.2

辛未卜隻(獲)入用 一
Divined on Xinwei: On an upcoming day, capture will be contributed. Used. 1

395+548.3

辛未卜弜(勿)入麇其用 一二
Divined on Xinwei: Do not contribute musk deer, (for our lord) shouldmake a requital sacrifice (with them). Used. 12

395+548.4

辛未卜子其(往)于田弜(勿)戠(待) (祼)用 一二三
Divined on Xinwei: If our lord goes to the fields, do not wait for the ale libation523 Used. 123

395+548.5

壬申卜子其(往)于田从昔(所)用 一二
Divined on Renshen: Our lord should go to the fields from the old location.Used. 12

395+548.6

壬申卜母戊 一
Divined on Renshen: (As for) Mother Wu, offer meat on altar*.[524] 1

395+548.7

壬申卜祼于母戊告子齒[疾][用]
Divined on Renshen: Make an ale libation to Mother Wu and announce ourlord’s [sick] tooth. [Used].

395+548.8

癸酉卜子其(往)于田从割(葛) (擒)用 一
Divined on Guiyou: If our lord goes to the fields from Ge, (he) will capture(something). Used. 1

395+548.9

癸酉卜子其(擒)子(占)曰其(擒)用四麇六(兔)
Divined on Guiyou: Our lord is likely to make a capture. Our lord read thecrack and said, “Should capture (something).” Used. Four musk deer, sixrabbits.

395+548.10

癸酉卜既乎(呼)子其(往)于田囟(思)亡史(事)用
Divined on Guiyou: After the call (to eat), if our lord goes to the fields,[525]would that there not be any service. Used.

HYZ 396

396.1

卯
Mao

HYZ 397 (1263A + 1263B)526

HYZ 398-399

398.1

用 一
Used. 1

398.2

戊用于三
On Wu…use…for…three.

398.3

甲戌 一
On Jiaxu…1

398.4

甲午既
On Jiawu, after…

398.5

用
…use…

398.6

[亡]
…[will not have]…

398.7

其于 一
…should about…1

399.1

入十
Liu contributes ten.

HYZ 400

400.1

乙亥夕卜丁不雨 一
Divined on the evening of Yihai: Day Ding is not going to rain. 1

400.2

乙亥夕卜其雨子(占)曰(占)曰[527]今夕雪其(于)丙雨其多日用 一
Divined on the evening of Yihai: It might rain. Our lord read the crack andsaid, “This evening it snows. Should it rain by day Bing, (then) rain is likely for several days.” Used. 1

HYZ 401

401.1

乙卜叀(惠)羊于母匕(妣)丙 一
Divined on Yi: It should be sheep for Mother (and) Ancestress Bing. 1

401.2

乙卜叀(惠)小于母且(祖)丙 三
Divined on Yi: It should be small pen-raised sheep for Mother (and) Ancestor Bing. 2

401.3

乙卜(皆)彘母二匕(妣)丙 一
Divined on Yi: All wild boars (for) Mother (and) Second Ancestress Bing. 1

401.6

乙卜其(殺)三牛匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Yi: Should kill three head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

401.4

乙卜其(殺)五牛匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Yi: Should kill five head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

401.7

乙卜其(殺)七牛匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Yi: Should kill seven head of cattle (for) Ancestress Geng. 1

401.10

乙卜叀(惠)今(殺)匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Yi: It should be today to make killings(for) Ancestress Geng. 1

401.8

乙卜叀(惠)今(殺)匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Yi: It should be today to make killings(for) Ancestress Geng. 2

401.11

乙卜于(殺)匕(妣)庚用才(在) (雝) 一
Divined on Yi: By tomorrow make killings (for) Ancestress Geng. Used. At Yong. 1

401.9

乙卜于[ (殺)]匕(妣)庚用才(在) (雝) 二
Divined on Yi: By tomorrow [make killings] (for) Ancestress Geng. Used. At Yong. 2

401.5

乙夕卜歲十牛匕(妣)庚于(雝)用 一
Divined on the evening of Yi: Sacrifice ten head of cattle (to) Ancestress Geng in Yong. Used. 1

401.12

丙卜丁乎(呼)多臣复(復)囟(思)非心于不若隹(唯)吉乎(呼)行 一
Divined on Bing: His Highness calls (or: has called) the Many Servitors to return. It is desired that no hearts be in disagreement (and) it will be auspicious to call to march. 1

401.13

丙卜子其(往) (罩兔)[曰]又(有)求非(虞)
Divined on Bing: If our lord goes to net rabbits, [saying] there is a request(or: need), it will not (be cause to be) upset.

401.15

戊卜其先(殺)歲匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Wu: Should first kill the sacrifices(for) Ancestress Geng. 1

401.16

戊卜其宜牛 一
Divined on Wu: Should make (or: provide) viands from cattle. 1

401.14

戊卜其宜牛 二
Divined on Wu: Should make (or: provide) viands from cattle. 2

401.17

戊卜其(殺)豭肉入于丁 一
Divined on Wu: When killing boars, meat will be contributed to His Highness. 1

HYZ 402

402.1

用
…Used.

402.2

母(毋) 余于匕(妣)庚
…must not…I, to…Ancestress Geng…

402.3

匕(妣)庚[于]
…Ancestress Geng…[to]…

HYZ 403

403.1

己卜子夢(鼗)祼亡至(艱) 一
Divined on Ji: Our lord dreamt of playing a hand-drum[528] and making anale libation; it will not have (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 1

403.2

己卜又(有)至(艱) 一
Divined on Ji: It will have (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 1

403.3

庚咸(邵)
(On) Geng destroyed Shao.[529]

HYZ 404

404.1

一
…1

404.2

二
…2

404.3

三
…3

404.4

四
…4

404.5

一
…1

HYZ 405

405.1

午歲 一
…wu, sacrifice…1

405.2

一
…1

HYZ 406-407

406.1

一
…1

406.2

丁
…Ding…

406.3

羊
Sheep…

406.4

二
…2

406.5

丙
Bing…

407.1

囗亖
…4

HYZ 408

408.1

癸 一
…Gui…1

408.2

己 二
Ji…2

408.3

癸
Gui…

408.4

告 一
Announce…1

408.5

又(有)
…have…

408.6

二母 一
…two (for) Mother…1

408.7

□□ 一
…1

HYZ 409

409.1

丙卜其(禦)子馘[于]匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Bing: Should make an exorcism rite(for) lord Guo [to] Ancestress Geng. 1

409.2

丙卜其(禦)子馘于子癸 一
Divined on Bing: Should make an exorcism rite (for) lord Guo to Child Gui. 2

409.3

丙卜叀(惠)羊又鬯(禦)子馘于子癸 一
Divined on Bing: It should be sheep and aromatic ale to make the exorcismrite (for) lord Guo to Child Gui. 1

409.4

丙卜叀(惠)牛又鬯(禦)子馘于子癸 一
Divined on Bing: It should be cattle and aromatic ale to make the exorcism (for) lord Guo to Child Gui. 1

409.5

丙卜其(禦)子馘匕(妣)丁牛 一二
Divined on Bing: Should make an exorcism rite (for) lord Guo (to) Ancestress Ding (using) cattle. 12

409.6

丙卜其(禦)子馘匕(妣)丁牛 三
Divined on Bing: Should make an exorcism rite (for) lord Guo (to) Ancestress Ding (using) cattle. 3

409.7

丙卜弜(勿) (禦)子馘 一
Divined on Bing: Do not make an exorcism rite (for) lord Guo. 1

409.8

丙卜叀(惠)小又(服)妾(禦)子馘匕(妣)丁 一
Divined on Bing: It should be small pen-raised sheep in addition to captive females (that are used) to make the exorcism rite (for) lord Guo (to) Ancestress Ding. 1

409.9

丙[卜]子其(禱)匕(妣)庚亡 一
[Divined] on Bing: If our lord prays[530] (to) Ancestress Geng, there will not
be anything announced by written record. 1

409.10

丙卜吉 (殺)于匕(妣)丁 一
Divined on Bing: It is auspicious to make killings for Ancestress Ding. 1

409.11

丙卜叀(惠)子興(往)于匕(妣)丁 一
Divined on Bing: It should be lord Xing who directs (offerings) to Ancestress
Ding. 2

409.12

丙卜叀(惠)羊于匕(妣)丁 一
Divined on Bing: It should be sheep for Ancestress Ding. 1

409.13

丙卜叀(惠)子興(往)于匕(妣)丁 二
Divined on Bing: It should be lord Xing who directs (offerings) to Ancestress Ding. 1

409.14

歲匕(妣)丁豕 一
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding some pigs. 1

409.15

丙卜叀(惠)五羊又鬯(禦)子馘于子癸 二
Divined on Bing: It should be five sheep and aromatic ale (that is used) to make the exorcism rite (for) lord Guo to Child Gui. 2

409.16

丁卜子令 一
Divined on Ding: Our lord will issue a command. 1

409.17

丁卜子令 一
Divined on Ding: Our lord will issue a command. 1

409.18

丁卜子令囟(思)心 一
Divined on Ding: Our lord will issue a command; would that hearts (be inagreement).[531] 1

409.19

丁卜子令 一二
Divined on Ding: Our lord will issue a command. 12

409.20

己卜叀(惠) [丁]乍(作)子興尋丁 二
Divined on Ji: It should be [His Highness] who does (it); lord Xing will seek His Highness. 2

409.21

己卜又(有)三鬯 一
Divined on Ji: Have (> Add) three bowls of aromatic ale. 1

409.22

己卜至(致) (禦)子馘匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: Deliver the exorcism rite (for) lord Guo (with) ewes (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

409.23

己卜叀(惠)三牛(禦)子馘匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: It should be three head of cattle (that are used) to make the exorcism rite (for) lord Guo (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

409.24

己卜叀(惠)子興(往)匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Ji: It should be lord Xing who directs (offerings)(to) Ancestress Geng. 2

409.25

己卜又(有)鬯又(有)五(置) (禦)子而匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: Have (> Add) aromatic ale and have (> add) five stands to make the exorcism rite (for) lord Guo (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

409.26

己卜吉又(有)匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Ji: It is auspicious to have offerings (for) Ancestress Geng. 2

409.27

己卜叀(惠) (服)臣又(有)妾(禦)子而匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Ji: It should be captive servitors, having females,[532] to make theexorcism rite (for) lord Guo (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

409.28

壬卜子其屰(逆) 丁 一
Divined on Ren: Our lord should welcome Chen at His Highness’ (location). [533] 1

409.29

壬卜于乙(延)休丁 一
Divined on Ren: By day Yi continue to rest with His Highness. 1

409.30

[甲]卜子其(延)休乙若 三
Divined on [Jia]: If our lord continues to rest, tomorrow day Yi will be favourable. 3

409.33

甲[卜子其] (延)[休] 四
[Divined] on Jia: [Our lord should] continue [to rest]. 4

409.31

甲卜子其(延)休 五
Divined on Jia: Our lord should continue to rest. 5

409.32

乙卜其屰(逆) (雝) (多子)于帚(婦)好 一
Divined on Yi: (Our lord) should welcome Yong’s Many Lords (< Family Heads) at Lady Hao’s (location). 2

HYZ 410

410.1

壬卜才(在) 丁畀子臣 一
Divined on Ren, at Lai: His Highness will give our lord imprisoned servitors. 1

410.2

壬卜才(在) 丁曰余其(肇)子臣允 二
Divined on Ren, at Lai: His Highness said, “I shall dispense servitors (to)my son.” It is really true.[534] 2
[Or: His Highness said, “I shall dispense servitors to your lord”. It is reallytrue.]

HYZ 411

411.1

卜告子曰己歲于□二且(祖)
…divined: Announce that our lord…saying… Ji sacrifice…to…Two Ancestors.

411.3

于乙
…on Yi…

411.4

(商)
…Shang…

411.5

夕
Evening.

411.6

且(祖)乙鼎尋且(祖) □告
…Ancestor Yi…cauldron, seek…Ancestor…announce…

HYZ 412

412.1

乙卜弜(勿)歸馬 一
Divined on Yi: Do not return horses. 1

412.2

歸 一
Return (them). 1

412.3

己卜不吉隹(唯)其又(有) (艱) 一
Divined on Ji: (If the crack is) inauspicious, it means there is likely to be affliction (of some kind). 1

HYZ 413

413.1

[甲]寅卜丙[又(有)]且(祖)甲用 一
Divined on Jiayin: On Bing, [have offerings] (for) Ancestor Jia. Used. 1

413.2

乙且(祖)乙告且(祖)甲
On Yi…ewe (to) Ancestor Yi, announce…(to) Ancestor Jia.

413.3

丁(虞)于子
His Highness will be upset about our lord.

413.4

其夕牝于匕(妣)庚不用 一
…should kill some cows in the evening for Ancestress Geng. Not used. 1

413.5

牝于[匕(妣)]庚用
…kill some cows to [Ancestress] Geng. Used.

HYZ 414

414.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 415

415.1

[又] 一四
[Have] 14

415.2

[丄] 一四
[incomplete writing] 14

HYZ 416

416.1

己丑卜(贈) (畫)友(邵) (畫)□[535]子弜(勿)示若一
Divined on Jichou: Send Hua’s aide Shao away (with)...Hua…our lord ought not (be the one who) hands it/ them over, (for it) will be favorable. 1

416.2

己丑卜子(畫)示 一
Divined on Jichou: Lord Hua (will be the one who) hands it/ them over. 1

416.3

庚寅卜子(往)于舞衍(侃)若用 一二
Divined on Gengyin: Our lord will go to dance, (for) it will bring happiness (and) be favorable. Used. 12

416.4

庚寅歲匕(妣)庚小(登)自丁黍 一
On Gengyin, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some small pen-raised sheep (and) raise millet from His Highness. 1

416.5

庚寅歲匕(妣)庚小(登)自丁黍 二
On Gengyin, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some small pen-raised sheep (and) raise millet from His Highness. 2

416.6

庚寅卜子弜(勿) [ (往)]祼叀(惠)子(畫)用
Divined on Gengyin: If our lord does not [go to] the ale libation, it should be lord Hua. Used.

416.7

壬辰卜子心不(丕)吉衍(侃) 一
Divined on Renchen: Our lord’s heart will feel very good and happy.[536] 1

416.8

壬辰卜子乎(呼)比射發(駕)若 一
Divined on Renchen: Our lord will call to align the archers (and) Fa will drive, (for it) will be favorable. 1

416.9

弜(勿)比(駕)不用 一
Do not align and drive. Not used. 1

416.10

壬辰卜子乎(呼)射發(畐>复)取又(有)車若 一
Divined on Renchen: Our lord will call the archers (and) Fa will to return and get the chariot, (for) will be favorable.[537] 1

416.11

癸巳卜子叀(惠)大令(命)乎(呼)比發取又(有)車若
Divined on Guisi: It should be Da who our lord commands, calling him to align with Fa to get the chariot(s), (for it) will be favorable.

416.12

甲午(延) (宛>完) (戎)官(館)用 一二
On Jiawu, continue to complete construction (of) Rong’s guesthouse. Used. 12

416.13

庚子卜子(金) 一
Divined on Gengzi: (for) lord Jin. 1

416.14

庚子卜子(剖)其[又(有)]至(艱) 一
Divined on Gengzi: Lord Pou might have (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 1

HYZ 417

417.1

十
Kan, ten.

HYZ 418

418.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 419

419.1

戊卜子(金)
Divined on Wu: (about) Lord Jin.

419.2

用 一
Used. 1

419.3

其乍(作)予(序)東
Should build a school to the east.

419.4

用 一
Used. 1

419.5

一牛
One head of cattle.

HYZ 420

420.1

甲辰卜丁各夨(昃)于我用 一
Divined on Jiachen: His Highness will arrive in the afternoon to us. Used. 1

420.2

甲辰宜丁牝一丁各夨(昃)于我翌日于大甲 一二
On Jiachen, make (or: provide) viands (for) His Highness (from) one cow; His Highness arrives in the afternoon to us, the day of the Yi-rite to Da Jia. 12

420.3

甲辰卜于且(祖)乙歲牢又(有)一牛叀(惠)□ 一
Divined on Jiachen: To Ancestor Yi, sacrificing some pen-raised cattle (and) having one head of cattle (that is not pen-raised), it should be…1

420.4

庚戌卜隹(唯)王令余乎(呼) (燕>宴)若 一
Divined on Gengxu: It being the king’s command (that) I call to banquet, (it) will be favorable. 1

420.5

壬子卜子丙(速)用[丁]各乎(呼)酓(飲) 一二
Divined on Renzi: Our lord, on a Bing day, will make invitations. Used. [His Highness] arrived. Called to drink (or: Provided the drinks). 12

HYZ 421

421.1

壬辰夕卜其宜一于(戎)若用 一
Divined on the evening of Renchen: If making (or: providing) viands (from) one ewe in Rong, it will be favorable. Used. 1

421.2

壬辰夕卜其宜一于(戎)若用 二三
Divined on the evening of Renchen: If making (or: providing) viands (from) one ewe in Rong, it will be favorable. Used. 23

HYZ 422

422.1

于
…to…

HYZ 423

423.1

一_1

423.2

己[未] 二
Ji[wei] 2

423.3

一_1

423.4

二_2

HYZ 424-425

424.1

一_1

424.2

二_2

424.3

一_1

424.4

己□ 二
Ji… 2

425.1

入五
[Name] contributes five.

HYZ 426

426.1

癸巳卜甲歲且(祖)甲牡一鬯一于日出用 一
Divined on Guisi: Tomorrow, day Jia, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one bull (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale by sunrise. Used. 1

426.2

甲午歲且(祖)甲牡一鬯一 一
On Jiawu, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one bull (and) offer one bowl of aromatic matic ale. 1

426.3

甲午卜歲且(祖)乙牝一于日出(殺)用 一二
Divined on Jiawu: Sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one cow, (and) kill (it) by sunrise Used. 12

426.4

甲午卜歲且(祖)乙牝一于日出(殺)用 三
Divined on Jiawu: Sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one cow, (and) kill (it) by sunrise. Used. 3

426.5

乙未歲且(祖)乙牝一鬯一 一二
On Yiwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one cow (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 12

HYZ 427

427.1

丁丑卜才(在) (茲) (往) (微) (禦)癸子弜于(戎)用 一
Divined on Dingchou: At this place (> Here), send off (or: direct) Wei’s exorcism (to) Gui Child; do not (send it off) in Rong.[538] Used.[539] 1

427.2

戊寅卜翌己子其見(獻)琡于丁衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Wuyin: Tomorrow, Jisi, if our lord presents large jade tablets to His Highness, (it) will bring happiness. Used. 1

427.3

己卯卜庚辰(刮)彡(肜)匕(妣)庚先(殺)牢(後) (殺)牝一用 一二三
Divined on Jimao: (As for) carving Rong-rite (meat offerings) (to) Ancestress Geng on Gengchen, first kill pen-raised cattle (and) then kill one cow. Used. 123

427.4

己卯卜庚辰(刮)彡(肜)匕(妣)庚[ (殺)]牢(後) (殺)牝用 四
Divined on Jimao: (As for) carving Rong-rite (meat offerings) (to) Ancestress Geng on Gengchen, first kill pen-raised cattle (and) then kill one cow. Used. 4

427.5

庚辰歲匕(妣)庚牢牝彡(肜) (刮) 一
On Gengchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some pen-raised cattle (and) cows (and) carve them for the Rong-rite. 1

427.6

丁亥歲匕(妣)丁一 一
On Dinghai, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ding one sow. 1

427.7

己丑歲匕(妣)己一
On Jichou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one sow. 1

HYZ 428+561

428+561.1

庚辰卜于[既]□ (殺)牝一鬯匕(妣)庚用彡(肜) (刮) 一
Divined on Gengchen: [After]…pen-raised sheep, kill one cow, (and) (offer)[one bowl] of aromatic ale[540] (to) Ancestress Geng. Used. Carved (the sacrifices) for the Rong-rite. 1

428+561.2

丙戌歲且(祖)甲羊一歲且(祖)乙一才(在)甘子祝
On Bingxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one sheep (and) sacrifice to Ancestor Yi one ram. At Gan.[541] Our lord prayed.

428+561.4

丙戌歲且(祖)甲一歲且(祖)乙羊一才(在)甘子祝 二
On Bingxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one ram (and) sacrifice to Ancestor Yione sheep. At Gan. Our lord prayed. 2

428+561.3

馬用
horses…Used.

428+561.5

庚戌歲匕(妣)庚一入自 一
On Gengxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe. Entered from Lu. 1

428+561.6

庚申卜弜(勿) [鹿] 用一
Divined on Gengshen: Do not…[deer]…Used. 1

HYZ 429

429.1

丙戌卜(遲)涉(邵) (虜) 一
Divined on Bingxu: Slowly cross Shao prisoners across the river.[542] 1

HYZ 430

430.1

旬貞亡多子(戾) 一
Weekly test (or: Tested for the upcoming week):[543] There will be no misfortune for the Many Princes. 1

430.2

旬□亡 二
Weekly…will be no…2

430.3

□三
…3

HYZ 431

431.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

431.2

貞又(右)馬不死 一
Tested: The horse on the right will not die. 1

431.3

其死 一
Might die. 1

HYZ 432+553

432+553.1

庚子歲匕(妣)庚一 一
On Gengzi, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one sow. 1

HYZ 433+434+529

433+434+529.1

辛酉昃歲匕(妣)庚一
On the afternoon of Xinyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng…1

HYZ 435-436

435.1

不用 二
Not used. 1

436.1

入十
Liu* contributes ten.

HYZ 437-438

437.1 +3

庚申卜弜(勿)取才(在) (戎)紤(延)成 一二三
Divined on Gengshen: Do not pick up tapestries that are at Rong; prolong completion. 123

437.2+4+6

庚申卜取才(在) (戎)紤弜(勿) (延) 一二三
Divined on Gengshen: Pick up tapestries that are at Rong; do not prolong (it). 123544

437.5

庚申夕卜子其乎(呼) 于若用 三
Divined on the evening of Gengshen: If our lord calls Yi (and) Suo to Fu*, (it) will be favorable. (To be) used. 3

437.7

辛酉昃歲匕(妣)庚黑牝一子祝 二
On the afternoon of Xinyou, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one black cow (and) our lord will pray. 2

438.1

三十
Thirty

HYZ 439-440

439.1

[癸]子且(祖) (牛)丁 二
On [Gui]si, Ancestor…cattle…Ding. 2

439.2

己亥八十于 一
On Jihai, eighty to [incomplete record] 1

439.3

于 一二
To [incomplete record] 12

439.4

大庚于夕[其] 二三
Da Geng,[545] [verb－uncertain meaning] by evening; [should] [incomplete record] 23

440.1

[ (榛)]气(乞)
Requested from [Zhen].

HYZ 441

441.1

貞(陞) 一
Tested: (for) Sheng. 1

441.2

貞(陞) 二
Tested: (for) Sheng. 2

441.3

貞配(妃) 一
Tested: (for) (Our lord’s) spouse. 1

441.4

貞肉
Tested: (for) Rou.

441.5

貞 一
Tested: (for) Tong. 1

441.6

貞(商) 一
Tested: (for) Shang. 1

441.7

貞又(有) (服)司(姒)庚 二
Tested: Have captives (for) (deceased) Elder Sister Geng. 2

441.8

貞筒 一
Tested: (for) Tong. 1

HYZ 442

442.1

用 一
Used. 1

442.2

用 二
Used. 2

HYZ 443-444

443.1

歲□牛 四
… sacrifice…cattle …4

443.2

余□示□壬
…I…submit …Ren…

443.3

貞(咎)
Tested…fault…

443.4

丁 二
…His Highness…2

443.5

…

443.6

甲于[子]
…Jia, for [our lord]…

443.7

入人于□牛歲又(有) 一一
…men of Ru…to…cattle sacrifice, there will be…11

443.8

其賈馬
Should trade horses.

443.9

貞一
Tested…1

444.1

[ (榛)]气(乞)
Requested from [Zhen].

HYZ 445

445.1

一
…1

445.2

于丁
…to…His Highness.

445.3

[庚] [牛] [子] (雝)
…[Geng]…[cattle]…[lord], Yong…

HYZ 446

446.1

甲卜乙歲牡匕(妣)庚 一
Divined on Jia: On Yi, sacrifice some bulls (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

446.2

甲卜乙歲牡匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Jia: On Yi, sacrifice some bulls (to) Ancestress Geng. 2

446.3

甲卜子又(有)心(殺)匕(妣)庚
Divined on Jia: Our lord will have the heart,[546] making a killing (for) Ancestress Geng.

446.4

甲卜子疾 一
Divined on Jia: Our lord will get sick. 1

446.5

甲卜子首疾亡(延) 一二
Divined on Jia: Our lord’s headache will not persist. 12

446.6

甲卜子其(往)□子首亡(延) 一
Divined on Jia: If our lord goes.., our lord’s head(ache) will not persist. 1

446.7

乙卜弜(勿)巳(速)丁 二
Divined on Yi: Do not stop (from) inviting His Highness. 2

446.8

乙卜入胵丁鼑又(有)肉 一
Divined on Yi (about) contributing the (bull’s) stomach[547] (to) His Highness[548] Tested: There will be (> Add) meat too. 1

446.9

乙卜其歲牡母且(祖)丙 一
Divined on Yi: Should sacrifice some bulls (to) Mother (and) Ancestor Bing. 1

446.10

丙[卜]卯牛于日[用]
[Divined] on Bing: Butcher cattle by the following day. [Used.]

446.11

丙卜夕又(有)伐匕(妣)庚
Divined on Bing: In the evening have a beheading (for) Ancestress Geng.

446.12

丙卜五日子目既疾 一
Divined on Bing: In five days our lord’s eye(s) will finish being sick. 1

446.13

丙卜三日子目[既][疾] 一
Divined on Bing: In three days our lord’s eyes [will finish] [being sick]. 1

446.14

子弗(艱)目疾 一
Our lord will not be afflicted (by this) eye sickness. 1

446.18

己卜牝 一
Divined on Ji…cow. 1

446.15

己卜叀(惠)牝匕(妣)庚 二
Divined on Ji: It should be cows (for) Ancestress Geng. 2

446.16

豭一用 三
One boar. Used. 3

446.17

歲匕(妣)庚豭一 一
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one boar. 1

446.19

歲匕(妣)庚豭一 二
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one boar. 2

446.21

歲匕(妣)庚豭一 三
Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one boar. 3

446.20

己卜貞歲卜亡吉亡(戾) 一
Divined on Ji, tested: The sacrifice divinations are without luck (but) without misfortune.[549] 1

446.22

庚卜丁各衍(侃) 一
Divined on Geng: His Highness will arrive and be happy. 1

446.23

壬卜弜(勿)巳(速)丁 一
Divined on Ren: Do not stop from inviting His Highness. 1

446.24

壬卜 (丙) (速)丁 一
Divined on Ren: On a Bing day invite His Highness. 1

446.25

子令 一
Our lord will issue a command. 1

446.26

子令 一
Our lord will issue a command. 1

446.27

子令 一
Our lord will issue a command. 1

446.28

弜(勿)牛(殺)叀(惠)□
Do not (make) a cattle killing; it should be…

HYZ 447

447.1

十
Kan, ten.

HYZ 448

448.1

戌 一
Xu…1

448.2

一
…one…

448.3

丁
…His Highness.

HYZ 449

449.1

辛未卜白(伯) 爯(稱)册隹(唯)丁自正(征)卲 一
Divined on Xinwei: Bo Ge has raised a document.[550] It will be His Highness himself who rectifies Shao. 1

449.2

辛未卜丁弗其比白(伯) 伐卲 一
Divined on Xinwei: His Highness is not likely to ally with Bo Ge to attack Shao.[551] 1

449.4

癸酉卜貞子(剖)爵且(祖)辛亡(艱) 一
Divined on Guiyou, tested: Lord Pou will offer Ancestor Xin a cup of ale; there will not be any affliction (for him to do so).[552] 1

449.3

貞子(畫)爵且(祖)庚亡(艱) 一
Tested: Lord Hua will offer Ancestor Geng a cup of ale; there will not be any affliction (for him to do so). 1

449.5

癸酉卜且(祖)甲衍(侃)子 一
Divined on Guiyou: Ancestor Jia will be happy with our lord. 1

449.6

甲戌歲且(祖)甲鬯 二
On Jiaxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia some ewes (and) offer aromatic ale. 2

449.7

乙亥弜(勿)巳(肆) (鱉)龜于室用 一
On Yihai, do not stop from arranging[553] the soft-shelled turtles[554] in the room. Used. 1

449.8

乙亥歲且(祖)乙[雨] (禦) (刮)彡(肜)牢牝一 一
On Yihai, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi, make an exorcism rite (to ward off) the rain, and carve Rong-rite offerings—pen-raised cattle and one cow. 1

HYZ 450

450.1

壬戌卜才(在)□[子] (剖)子耳鳴隹(唯)又(有) (辭)亡至(艱) 一二
Divined on Renxu, at…Lord Pou: Our lord’s ear ringing means (or: is a signthat) there is blame, (but) there will be no (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction.[555] 12

450.2 -3

壬戌卜子弜(勿) (隱)用癸亥子(往) (于) (肇)子丹一(鱉)龜二 一
Divined on Renxu: Our lord ought not stay concealed.[556] Used. On Guihaiour lord went to Liu*.[557] (Liu) dispensed (to) our lord one (piece/measureof) cinnabar, two soft-shelled turtles. 1^558

450.4

丁卯卜子其入學若衍(侃)用 一二三
Divined on Dingmao: If our lord enters the school,[559](it) will be favorable(and) bring happiness. Used. 123

450.5

丁卯卜子其入學若衍(侃)用 四五六
Divined on Dingmao: If our lord enters the school, (it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. Used. 456

HYZ 451

451.1

己巳卜庚歲匕(妣)庚黑牡又羊暮(殺)用 一二三四五
Divined on Jisi: On the following day Geng, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some black bulls in addition to some sheep (and) make the killings at dusk. Used. 12345

451.2

庚午歲匕(妣)庚黑牡又羊子祝 一二三四五六
On Gengwu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng some black bulls in addition to some sheep (and) our lord will pray. 123456

451.3

戊寅卜自帶其見(獻)于(王婦)好用 二
Divined on Wuyin: (As for) belts from Liu*, (our lord) should present some to His Majesty’s Lady Hao. Used.[560] 2

451.4

庚辰歲匕(妣)庚一 一二
On Gengchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one sow. 12

451.5

一二三_123

451.6

壬午夕歲犬一匕(妣)庚 一二三
On the evening of Renwu, sacrifice one dog (to) Ancestress Geng. 123

451.7

壬午夕歲犬一匕(妣)庚 四
On the evening of Renwu, sacrifice one dog (to) Ancestress Geng. 4

451.8

丙戌卜子其(往)于若用子不(宿)雨 一
Divined on Bingxu: If our lord goes to Fu*, (it) will be favorable. Used. Our lord did not stay the night. It rained. 1

HYZ 452

452.1

[庚]戌歲匕(妣)庚一子祝才(在) 一
On [Geng]xu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe (and) our lord will pray. At Lai. 1

HYZ 453

453.1

甲羊一羊二一余
…Jia…one sheep…two sheep…one, I…

453.2

甲卜乎(呼)多臣見(獻) 于丁用 二
Divined on Jia: Call the Many Servitors to present (sanctified meat from) the Yi-day rite (to) His Highness. Used. 2

453.3

羊
…sheep…

453.4

戊卜其一□豭
Divined on Wu: …should…one…boar…

453.5

用 一
…Used. 1

453.6

甲丁于
…Jia…Ding…to…

453.7

壬
On Ren…

453.8

□子
…our lord…

453.9

己其余
On Ji, should…I…pen-raised sheep…

453.10

乙卜子(金) 一
Divined on Yi: (about) Lord Jin. 1

HYZ 454

454.1

庚戌卜子乎(呼)多臣(燕>宴)見用不率 一
Divined on Gengxu: Our lord will call the Many Servitors to banquet and have audience. Used. Not all (of them were called). 1

454.2

庚戌卜弜(勿)乎(呼)多臣(燕>宴) 一
Divined on Gengxu: Do not call the Many Servitors to banquet. 1

454.3

乙卯卜子其自酓(飲)弜(勿) (速)用 一二
Divined on Yimao: Our lord should drink (or: provide the drinks) himself, (and) ought not invite (anyone else).[561] Used. 12

454.4

乙卯卜子其[自]酓(飲)弜(勿) (速)用 三
Divined on Yimao: Our lord should drink (or: provide the drinks) [himself], (and) ought not invite (anyone else). Used. 3

HYZ 455

455.1

甲子卜歲匕(妣)甲一三小又(置)一才(在) (柚) 一
Divined on Jiazi: Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Jia one ram (and) announce by written record (the sacrificial offerings of) three small pen-raised sheep and one stand. At You. 1

455.2

[乙丑卜] (延)又(有)同由又其(艱) 一
[Divined on Yichou]: Continuing to have assembly, You You might have an affliction. 1

455.3

乙丑卜我人<由>友子(金) 一
Divined on Yichou: (about) Our men, You You,[562] (and) lord Jin. 1

455.4

子(金)南 一
Lord Jin, south. 1

HYZ 456

456.1

[甲]卜 一
Divined [on Jia]…1

HYZ 457

457.1

己酉夕翌日(刮)歲匕(妣)庚黑牡一庚戌(酒)牝一 一二三四
On the evening of Jiyou, (for) the Yi-day rite’s meat carvings, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one black bull; on Gengxu, make the ale libation, (and then sacrifice) one cow. 1234

HYZ 458

458.1

[乃]先(舂)姸迺入炋用 一
Ji [Nai] will first beat* the skilled females and then enter (them) [uncertain meaning]. Used. 1

HYZ 459

459.1

癸丑卜叀(惠)二牢于且(祖)甲不用 一
Divined on Guichou: It should be two head of pen-raised cattle for Ancestor tor Jia. Not used. 1

459.2

癸丑卜叀(惠)一牢又(有)牝于且(祖)甲不用 一
Divined on Guichou: It should be one head of pen-raised cattle, having (> offering) a cow, for Ancestor Jia.[563] Not used. 1

459.3

癸丑卜子祼新鬯于且(祖)甲用 三
Divined on Guichou: Our lord will libate new aromatic ale to Ancestor Jia.Used. 3

459.4

甲寅叀(惠)牝一且(祖)乙不用 一
On Jiayin, it should be one cow (for) Ancestor Yi. Not used. 1

459.5

乙卯歲且(祖)乙豭一鬯一 一
On Yimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one boar (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 1

459.6

甲子歲且(祖)甲白豭一鬯一 一二三四五
On Jiazi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one white boar (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. 12345

459.7

叀(惠)黑豕且(祖)甲不用
It should be black pigs (for) Ancestor Jia. Not used.

459.8

癸酉卜歲子癸犬用 一
Divined on Guiyou: Sacrifice (to) Child Gui some dogs.[564] Used. 1

459.9

戊寅卜子祼小示豭(禦) (往)田 一
Divined on Wuyin: Our lord will libate ale (to) the Lesser Altars (and) announce by written record (sacrifice of) boars (as part of) making an exorcism rite (for) going to hunt.[565] 1

459.10

己卯歲匕(妣)己彘一 一
On Jimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one wild boar. 1

459.11

己卯歲匕(妣)己彘一 二
On Jimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Ji one wild boar. 1

HYZ 460

460.1

用 二
…Used. 2

460.2

丁
…Ding…

HYZ 461

461.1

四
…4

461.2

壬 二
…Ren…2

HYZ 462

462.1

三十
Thirty

HYZ 463

463.1

癸卯歲且(祖)乙一鬯一才(在) 子祝 一二三
On Guimao, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one ewe (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. At Lu. Our lord prayed. 123

463.2

甲辰歲匕(妣)庚一鬯一才(在) 一
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe (and) offer one bowl of aromatic ale. At Lu. 1

463.3

甲辰歲且(祖)甲牡一一才(在) 一二
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one bull (and) one ram. At Lu. 12

463.4

子令 一
Our lord will issue a command. 1

463.5

甲辰歲且(祖)甲牡一一才(在) 一
On Jiachen, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one bull (and) one ram. At Lu. 1

463.6

乙巳歲且(祖)乙三才(在) 二
On Yisi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi three sows. At Lu. 2

HYZ 464

464.1

貞 一
Tested: (about) Xian. 1

464.2

貞 一
Tested: (about) Xian. 1

HYZ 465-HYZ 466

465.1

甲卜乙告子于匕(妣)庚
Divined on Jia: On Yi…report lord…to Ancestress Geng…

465.2

豕告子 一
…pig, report lord…1

465.3

弜(勿)
…ought not…

465.4

乙
On Yi…[unclear meaning]…

465.5

戊卜于
Divined on Wu: To…

466.1

入
Contributed by Zhen.

HYZ 467

467.1

子肩未(妹)其(瘳) 一
Our lord’s shoulder still might not heal. 1

467.2

戊戌卜才(在) (濘)子射若不用 一
Divined on Wuxu, at Ning:[566] Our lord will shoot, (for it) will be favorable. Not used. 1

467.3

戊戌卜才(在) (濘)子弜(勿)射于之若 一
Divined on Wuxu, at Ning: Our lord ought not shoot, (for) in that will be favorable. 1

467.4

己亥卜才(在) (雝)子其射若不用 一
Divined on Jihai, at Yong: If our lord shoots, (it) will be favorable. Not used. 1

467.5

弜(勿)射于之若 一
Do not shoot, (for) in that will be favorable. 1

467.6

庚子卜才(在)[我]且(祖)□其眔(送)廌 一
Divined on Gengzi, at [Wo]:[567] (As for sacrifices to) Ancestor…should join in (> include) Song’s antelopes. 1

467.7

隹(唯) (送)廌子不用 一
It will be Song’s antelopes.[568] Our lord did not use it (> this divination). 1

467.9

戊申卜叀(惠) 乎(呼)匄[馬]用才(在) 二二
Divined on Wushen: It should be Geng* who is called upon to request [horses]. [569] Used. At Lu. 22570

467.8

戊卜叀(惠)卲乎(呼)匄不用 二
Divined on Wushen: It should be Shao who is called upon to request (them). Not used. 2

467.10

叀(惠) (敦)乎(呼)匄不用 一
It should be Dun[571] who is called upon to request (them). Not used. 1

467.11

叀(惠) (敦)乎(呼)匄不用 二
It should be Dun who is called upon to request (them). Not used. 2

HYZ 468

468.1

西冓(遘)
Will make an encounter to the west…

468.2

歲彘匕(妣)丁用 一
Sacrifice some wild boars (to) Ancestress Ding. Used. 1

468.3

戊卜其(禦) 一
Divined on Wu: Should…exorcism rite…1

468.4

一_1

HYZ 469

469.1

甲卜子(金) 一
Divined on Jia: (about) Lord Jin. 1

469.2

庚卜子(金) 一
Divined on Geng: (about) Lord Jin. 1

HYZ 470

470.1

我五
Wo, five.[572]

HYZ 471

471.1

乙□子牛又
…Yi…lord…cattle…and…

471.2

一二
…12

HYZ 472

472.1

一二三_123

472.2

乙又(有)羊 一
On Yi,[573] have (or: offer) sheep. 1

472.3

弜(勿)又(有)羊 一
Do not have (or: offer) sheep. 1

472.4

于庚夕(酒) 一
By the evening of day Geng,[574] make an ale libation. 1

472.5

于辛亥(酒) 一
By Xinhai, make an ale libation. 1

472.6

三羊 一
Three sheep. 1

472.7

一羊 一
One sheep. 1

472.8

弜(勿)又(有)羊
Do not have (or: offer) sheep.

472.9

[戠(待)]弜(勿)又(有)
[Wait]; do not have (or: offer) (anything).

472.10

叀(惠)豕一
It should be pigs…1

472.11

叀(惠)一豕 一
It should be one pig. 1

HYZ 473

473.1

甲申子其學羌若衍(侃)用 一
On Jiashen, if our lord instructs Qiang,[575] (it) will be favorable (and) bring happiness. Used. 1

473.2

乃弜(勿) (往)又(有)蹠若用 二
Ji Nai ought not go, having (a problem) with the sole of his foot*,[576] (for it) will be favorable. Used. 2

HYZ 474

474.1

甲子卜子(金) 一
Divined on Jiazi: (about) Lord Jin. 1

474.2

甲子卜夕歲且(祖)乙祼告匕(妣)庚用 二
Divined on Jiazi: Make an evening sacrifice (for) Ancestor Yi; libate ale and make announcements (to) Ancestress Geng.[577] 2

474.3

乙丑卜子學 一
Divined on Yichou: Our lord will practice. 1

474.4

己巳卜子祼告其革于匕(妣)庚 一二
Divined on Jisi: Our lord will libate ale and make announcements; (he) should skin a portion of (the sacrificial animals) for Ancestress Geng. 12

474.5

率(酒)革不用 一
Both an ale libation and an animal skinning. Not used. 1

474.6

子叀(惠) (戎)田言匕(妣)庚眔一(酒)于(戎)用 一
It should be in the fields of Rong that our lord speaks (about what) is to be joined with one pen-raised sheep and an ale libation (for) Ancestress Geng in Rong. Used.[578] 1

474.7

庚午卜子其祼于癸子 一二
Divined on Gengwu: Our lord should libate ale to Gui-day Child. 12

474.8

辛未歲且(祖)乙彘子舞(拔) 一
On Xinwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi some wild boars, (and) our lord will dance “Uproot”. 1

474.9

辛巳卜于癸(殺)旬(荀)牛不用于甲(殺) 一
Divined on Xinsi: By day Gui, kill Xun’s cattle.[579] Not used. By day Jia (they) were killed. 1

HYZ 475

475.1

癸卯卜祼于昃用 一
Divined on Guimao: Tomorrow, libate ale in the afternoon. 1

475.2

乙巳卜叀(惠)璧用 一
Divined on Yisi: It should be jade circlets. Used. 1

475.3

乙巳卜叀(惠)良(琅) 一
Divined on Yisi: It should be jade beads. 1

475.4

乙巳卜又(有) (圭)叀(惠)之畀丁五用 二
Divined on Yisi: (As for) the pointed jade tablets (or: Having pointed jade tablets), it should be those that are given to His Highness, (along with) five ear ornaments. Used. 2

475.5

庚戌卜子叀(惠)發乎(呼)見丁眔大亦(燕>宴)用昃 一
Divined on Gengxu: It should be Fa who our lord calls upon to have audience about/with His Highness, (and) to join Da to also banquet. Used. Afternoon 1

475.6

庚戌卜丁各用夕 一
Divined on Gengxu: His Highness will arrive. Used. Evening. 1

475.7

庚戌卜丁各用夕 二三
Divined on Gengxu: His Highness will arrive. Used. Evening. 23

475.8

辛亥卜丁曰余不其(往)母(毋) (速) 一
Divined on Xinhai: His Highness said, “I shall not go”. Must not invite
(him). 1

475.9

辛亥卜子曰余丙(速)丁令(命)子曰(往)眔帚(婦)好于( )麥子(速)(孚) 一
Divined on Xinhai: Our lord said, “I, on a Bing day, will invite His Highness His Highness commanded our lord, saying, “Go together with Lady Hao to plant wheat in Man.” Our lord will invite (him). Trusted.[580] 1

475.10

壬子卜子弜(勿) (速)乎(呼)酓(飲)用 一
Divined on Renzi: Our lord should not invite (others) and call to drink.Used. 1

HYZ 476

476.1

用 一
Used. 1

476.2

用 一
Used. 1

HYZ 477A-477B

477A.1

[庚] 匕(妣)庚
On [Geng]…Ancestress Geng

477A.2

丁二□册 一一
…Ding…two…written record…11

477A.3

丁
…Ding…

477B.1

三十
Thirty

HYZ 478

478.1

乙卯卜其(禦)大于癸子豭一又(有)鬯用又(有)疾子(金)一二三
Divined on Yimao: If making an exorcism rite for Da to Gui-day Child, announce by written record (the sacrificial offerings of) one boar and aromatic ale. Used. There is sickness. Lord Jin.[581] 123

HYZ 479

479.1

一二
…12

HYZ 480

480.1

丙寅卜丁卯子勞丁爯(稱)黹(圭)一九才(在) 來(狩)自觴(唐) 一二三四五
Divined on Bingyin: On Dingmao, our lord, comforting His Highness, will hold up one multicolored pointed jade tablet (and) nine ear ornaments. At Fu. Return of the hunt from Tang. 12345

480.2

癸酉卜才(在) 丁弗(賓)且(祖)乙彡(肜)子(占)曰弗其(賓)用 一二
Divined on Guiyou, at Fu: His Highness will not host Ancestor Yi’s Rong-rite. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “Is not likely to host it.” Used. 12

480.3(

癸酉子(金)才(在) 子乎(呼)大子(御)丁宜丁丑王入用來(狩)自觴唐) 一
Divined on Guiyou, lord Jin, at Fu: Our lord will call upon (his) eldest son to take charge of His Highness’ viand service; on Dingchou, His Majesty will enter.[582] Used. Return of the hunt from Tang. 1

480.4

甲戌卜才(在) 子又(有)令[ ]丁告于用子( (攝)) 一二
Divined on Jiaxu, at Fu: Our lord has a command (or: will have a command to perform [the requital sacrifice]; His Highness will announce it in Fu.[583] Used. Our lord acted as substitute.[584] 12

480.5

甲戌卜子乎(呼) (嘉)帚(婦)好用才(在) 一
Divined on Jiaxu: Our lord will call Suo to commend Lady Hao. Used. At Fu. 1

480.6

丙子歲且(祖)甲一牢歲且(祖)乙一牢歲匕(妣)庚一牢才(在)割(葛)來自觴(唐) 一
On Bingzi, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one head of pen-raised cattle, sacrifice(to) Ancestor Yi one head of pen-raised cattle, (and) sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one head of pen-raised cattle.[585] At Ge. Returned from Tang. 1

HYZ 481

481.1

乙丑卜又(有)吉(刈)子具其(以)入若衍(侃)又(有) 徝用 一
Divined on Yichou: (As for) the best sickles, our lord should bring in andcontribute (them) altogether, (for in) it will be favorable (and) bring happiness There will be a Piao visitation. Used. 1

481.2

乙亥歲且(祖)乙黑牡一又一叀(惠)子祝用又(有) (登) 一二
On Yihai, when sacrificing (to) Ancestor Yi one black bull and one ewe, itshould be our lord who prays. Used. Added (or: Had) a (cereal) offering. 12

HYZ 482-483

482.1

乎(呼)
…call…

482.2

癸丁 一二三四
Day Gui,His Highness…1234

482.3

一二
…12

482.4

一_1

483.1

(榛)气(乞)
Requested from Zhen.

HYZ 484

484.1

(酒) 一
Make an ale libation. 1

484.2

弜(勿) (酒)母(毋)正且(祖)乙 一
Do not make an ale libation, (for our lord) must not be acting to rectify Ancestor Yi. 1

484.3

(酒) 二
Make an ale libation. 2

484.4

母(毋)正 二
Must not be acting to be rectify (this ancestor). 2

484.5

良泉
Liang spring.*

484.6

一
…1

484.7

一
…1

484.8

壬卜其冓(遘)雨 一
Divined on Ren: Will likely meet with rain. 1

HYZ 485

485.1

子 一
Our lord. 1

485.2

二_2

HYZ 486

486.1

其至[令] 二
Should arrive [to command]. 2

486.2

一
…1

486.3

一
…1

486.4

二
…2

HYZ 487

487.1

甲寅卜乙卯子其學商丁衍(侃)用 一
Divined on Jiayin: If our lord practices “Shang,” His Highness will be happypy. Used. 1

487.2

甲寅卜乙卯子其學商丁衍(侃)子(占)曰又(有)求(咎)用子髀 一二三
Divined on Jiayin: If our lord practices “Shang,” His Highness will be happy. Our lord read the crack(s) and said, “There is fault.” Used. Lord Bi. 123

487.3

甲戌(酒)上甲旬歲且(祖)甲一歲且(祖)乙一歲匕(妣)庚彘一 一二三四五六
On Jiaxu, will make ale libations for Shang Jia’s week;[586] will sacrifice (to) Ancestor Jia one ewe, sacrifice (to) Ancestor Yi one ewe, (and) sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one wild boar. 123456

HYZ 488

488.1

甲一 一
…Jia…one pen-raised sheep. 1

488.2

己[卜]□ (以)[生]
[Divined] on Ji:…bring [newborns][587]…

488.3

多臣(禦)于匕(妣)庚 二
…Many Servitors to be exorcised about Ancestress Geng…2

488.4

歲三[來] 一
Sacrifice three…[will return].[588] 1

488.5

用 二
…Used. 2

488.6

甲午匕(妣)庚告
On Jiawu, (to) Ancestress Geng, announce…

488.7

三十豕匕(妣)丁 二
…thirty pigs will be announced (as sacrifices) by written record (to) Ancestress tress Ding…2

488.8

一
…1

488.9

叀(惠)豭匕(妣)庚
…it should be boars (for) Ancestress Geng.

488.10

[ (禦)]匕(妣)庚 一
…[exorcism rite] (to) Ancestress Geng. 1

488.11

生□[匕(妣)庚]
…newborns …[Ancestress Geng]…

488.12

癸叀(惠) 子 一二
…Gui, it should be…our lord…12

488.13

其 一二
…should…12

488.14

甲午叀(惠) 一
On Jiawu, it should be…1

HYZ 489

489.1

一 一二
One…12

489.2

一 三
…one…3

HYZ 490

490.1

己卯子見(獻) (以)牙璧琡于丁用 一
On Jimao, our lord will present serrated jade circlets (and) large tablets brought by You to His Highness. Used. 1

490.2

己卯子見(獻) (以) (圭)眔(厚)牙璧丁用 一二三
On Jimao, our lord will present pointed jade tablets brought by You together with thick[589] serrated jade circlets (to) His Highness. Used. 123

490.3

己卯子見(獻) 以(圭)于丁用 一
On Jimao, Our lord will present pointed jade tablets brought by You to His Highness. Used. 1

490.4

己卯子見(獻) (以)琡丁衍(侃)用 一
On Jimao, our lord will present large jade tablets brought by You; His Highness will be happy. Used. 1

490.5

己卯卜丁衍(侃)子(孚)一
Divined on Jimao: His Highness will be happy (with) our lord. Trusted. 1

490.6

庚辰子祼匕(妣)庚又(有)言匕(妣)庚若 一
On Gengchen, our lord will make an ale libation (to) Ancestress Geng; having words (for) Ancestress Geng will be favorable. 1

490.7

庚辰歲匕(妣)庚牢(刮)彡(肜)牝(後) (殺) 一二三
On Gengchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng pen-raised cattle, and carve (them) for the Rong-rite; the cows, thereafter, will be killed.[590] 123

490.8

乙酉卜入肉 一
Divined on Yiyou: Contribute meat. 1

490.9

Divined on Yiyou: Contribute meat. Our lord said, “Obey (this) divination.” 1

490.10

庚戌歲匕(妣)庚一入自 一
On Gengxu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ewe. Entered from Lu. 1

490.11

辛亥瞽卜家其匄又(有)妾又(有)畀 一
On Xinhai, the blind musician[591] divined: If Jia[592] requests to have femaleservants, some will be given. 1

490.12

壬子卜其(將)匕(妣)庚示(工>貢)于東官(館)用 一
Divined on Renzi: When carrying in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng’s altar,bestow them in the eastern guesthouse. Used. 1

HYZ 491

491.1

庚午(酒)革匕(妣)庚二小鬯一才(在) (戎)來自(狩) 一二
On Gengwu, will make an ale libation. Skin two small pen-raised sheep (to) Ancestress Geng, and offer one bowl of aromatic ale. At Rong. Returned from the hunt.[593] 12

HYZ 492

492.1

壬寅卜子(金)子其屰(逆) (璋)于(王婦)若用 一
Divined on Renyin, lord Jin: If our lord welcomes Zhang at the Majestic Lady’s (location), (it) will be favorable. Used. 1

HYZ 493

493.1

戊子卜叀(惠)子(畫)乎(呼)匄馬用 一二
Divined on Wuzi: It should be lord Hua who is called to request horses. Used.[594] 12

493.2

戊子宜一匕(妣)庚才(在)入 一
On Wuzi, make (or: provide) viands (of) one ewe (to) Ancestress Geng. At Ru. 1

493.3

庚寅歲匕(妣)庚一 一
On Gengyin, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ram. 1

493.5

庚寅歲匕(妣)庚一 三
On Gengyin, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one ram. [3595]

493.4

庚寅歲匕(妣)庚牝一才(在) (戎) 一
On Gengyin, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one cow. At Rong. 1

493.6

壬辰卜(向)癸巳<子>夢丁祼子用瓚亡至(艱) 一
Divined on Renchen: Towards[596] Guisi, <our lord>[597] dreamt that His Highness made an ale libation and our lord used the ladle. It will not have (risk) reaching (the point of) affliction. 1

493.7

甲午歲且(祖)甲豭一隹(唯) 一
On Jiawu, sacrificing (to) Ancestor Jia one boar means there will be blessings [598] 1

493.8

甲午歲且(祖)甲豭一隹(唯) 二三四
On Jiawu, sacrificing (to) Ancestor Jia one boar means there will be blessings 234

HYZ 494

494.1

戊卜才(在) 其告人亡由(怞)于丁若 一二
Divined on Wu, at Lai: If reporting that none of the men are unhappy to His Highness, (it) will be favorable. 12

494.2

戊卜才(在) 于商告人亡由(怞)于丁若 一二
Divined on Wu, at Lai: In Shang, reporting that none of the men are unhappy to His Highness will be favorable. 12

494.3

己卜才(在) 其告人亡由(怞)于丁若 三四
Divined on Ji, at Lai: If reporting that none of the men are unhappy to His Highness, (it) will be favorable. 34

494.4

己卜才(在) 于商告人亡由(怞)于丁若 三四
Divined on Ji, at Lai: In Shang, reporting that none of the men are unhappy to His Highness will be favorable. 34

HYZ 495

495.1

丁未卜宜且(祖)乙丁(飲)用 一
Divined on Dingwei: Make (or: Provide) viands (of) ewe (to) Ancestor Yi; His Highness will drink (or: will provide the drinks). Used. 1

HYZ 496-497

496.1

丙卜其(將)匕(妣)庚示歲裖(脤) 一
Divined on Bing: Should carry in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng’s altar. Chopped raw meat.[599] 1

496.2

丙卜其(將)匕(妣)庚示 二
Divined on Bing: Should carry in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng’s altar. 2

496.3

丙卜其(將)匕(妣)庚示 三
Divined on Bing: Should carry in offerings (to) Ancestress Geng’s altar. 3

497.1

三十
Thirty

HYZ 498

498.1

癸卯卜才(在)糞發(以)馬子(占)曰其(以)用 二
Divined on Guimao, at Fen: Fa will bring horses. Our lord read the crack and said, “Should bring them.” Used. 2

HYZ 499

499.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 500

500.1

亞
Ya.

HYZ 501

501.1

丁卜子耳鳴亡(害) 一
Divined on Ding: Our lord’s ear ringing is without harm. 1

501.2

丁卜今庚其乍(作)豐(速)丁酓(飲)若 一二
Divined on Ding: On day Geng of this week, if erecting drums and inviting His Highness to drink, it will be favorable. 12

501.3

丁卜今庚其乍(作)豐(速)丁酓(飲)若 三
Divined on Ding: On day Geng of this week, if erecting drums and inviting His Highness to drink, it will be favorable. 3

HYZ 502

502.1

亯(堂) 一
Hall. 1

502.2

(臺) 一
Tower. 1

502.3

(臺)于南
Tower, in the south.

502.4

于北
In the north.

502.5

戊歲匕(妣)庚牡一才(在)□ 一
On Wu, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng one bull. At…1

502.6

□見(獻)一
…presents one.

HYZ 503

503.1

癸卜
Divined on Gui.

HYZ 504

504.1

用
Used.

HYZ 505

505.1-2

子貞豐亡至(戾)
Our lord tested…drums. There will be no (risk) reaching (the point of) misfortune

505.3

貞(畫)亡其(艱) 一
Tested: Hua will not likely have any affliction. 1

505.4

□又貞目亡其又(有)甘
…again tested: Eye [uncertain meaning]; will not likely have this [uncertain meaning].

HYZ 506

506.1

庚午卜才(在) 子 三
Divined on Gengwu, at Fu: Our lord…3

HYZ 507

507.1

乙亥卜(王婦)衍(侃)
Divined on Yihai: His Majesty’s Lady will be happy.

507.2

乙亥卜叀(惠) 一二
Divined on Yihai: It should be… 12

HYZ 508

508.1

丙子卜 一
Divined on Bingzi… 1

508.2

不用
…Not used.

HYZ 509

509.1

(王婦) 一二
His Majesty’s Lady. 12

HYZ 510

510.1

不奏
Will not perform.

HYZ 511

511.1

Tested: [uncertain reading]

HYZ 512

512.1

興 二
Xing. 2

HYZ 513

513.1

[子]
[Our lord].

HYZ 514

514.1

子貞 一
Our lord tested. 1

HYZ 515

515.1

□才(在) 二
…at Lu. 2

HYZ 516

516.1

卜丁卯自賈□ 三
Divined: On Dingmao, from Trader… 3

HYZ 517+275 (See HYZ 275)

HYZ 518

518.1

于子亡(戾) 二
…to our lord; there will be no misfortune. 2

HYZ 519

519.1

貞商
(戾)
Tested:
(about) Shang misfortune.

HYZ 520

520.1

貞
Tested.

HYZ 521+531

521+531.1

辛酉昃歲 一
On Xinyou afternoon, sacrifice… 1

HYZ 522

522.1

賈馬其□ 二
horses [from] the trader, a portion should… 2

HYZ 523

523.1

匕(妣)庚一彘
Ancestress Geng, one wild boar.

HYZ 524

524.1

馬
…horses…

524.2

丁卯[自]
Dingmao, [from]…

HYZ 525

525.1

自賈馬
…portion…horses from the trader…

HYZ 526

526.1

庚寅歲 二
On Gengyin, sacrifice …2

HYZ 527

527.1

□子
…lord.

HYZ 528

528.1

□一子
…one…, lord…

HYZ 529+433+434

HYZ 530

530.1

(刮)且(祖) □
Carve (for) Ancestor…

HYZ 531+521

HYZ 532

532.1

用
Used.

HYZ 533

533.1

戊卜夕
Divined on Wu: Evening…

HYZ 534 + 332

HYZ 535

535.1

子
Our Lord.

HYZ 536

536.1

[祝]
[Pray]

HYZ 537

537.1

一_1

HYZ 538

538.1

一_1

HYZ 539

539.1

三旬
Three weeks.

HYZ 540

540.1

[叀(惠)] 一
[It should be] 1

HYZ 541

541.1

子
Our Lord

HYZ 542

542.1

□午
…wu

HYZ 543

543.1

(graffiti)

HYZ 544

544.1

…

HYZ 545

545.1

(璋)
Zhang

HYZ 546

546.1

(戾)
Misfortune

HYZ 547

547.1

…

HYZ 548+395

HYZ 549

549.1

戊申子于己
Divined on Wushen: Our lord, by day Ji, …

HYZ 550

550.1

麥(來)自皮(彼)鼎(酒)
…coming from there (or: that), make a caldron offering and an ale libation...

550.2

…announce by written record…

HYZ 551

551.1

[黑]牝
[Black] cow.

HYZ 552

552.1

丁卜戠(待)于
Divined on Ding: Wait until…

HYZ 553+432

HYZ 554

554.1

戊卜
Divined on Wu…

HYZ 555

555.1

(爾*)
Er*[600]

HYZ 556

556.1

丙卜 一
Divined on Bing:… 1

HYZ 557

557.1

用 一
Used. 1

HYZ 558

558.1

卜于□
Divined: By…

HYZ 559

559.1

匄黑二
Request two black…

HYZ 560

560.1

庚卜子(金)
Divined on Geng: (about) Lord Jin.

HYZ 561+428

Appendix I: Raw Data

Appendix II: Parallel content, related content, sets, and synchronies

Catalog #

(Divinations about:)

2

▲2、7、37、149、467

Shooting with bow and arrow at Lu , Ning 濘, and Yong 雝, days Wuzi (25/60) through Guihai (60/60).

▲2、152

Zi Jin 子金; test divinations made by You 友.

3

▲3、53、181、409 Zi hunting; and resting with Ding. Whether or not Ding will not continue to be upset with Zi; dates: Ren(shen) (9/60) until day Yi(hai) (12/60) of following week. (Dates reconstructed based upon ▲35、3、395＋548.)

▲3、75、181、183、268、409、446、463

Zi issuing a command. (Charge statement only records Zi ling 子令.)

▲35、3、395＋548

Hunting after the call to eat on day Renshen (9/60), from the “old location 昔所”, and on day Guiyou (10/60), from Ge 葛.

▲3、181、273、409

Zi Guo’s 馘 injury, when he will heal, and whether or not to perform exorcism for him to select ancestors: Ancestress Geng, Ancestress Ji together with Ancestress Ding, or Child Gui. (All of the divinations in this microset are dated 1/10 and not 1/60.) See ▲181、273.

4

▲4、170、214、355

Ancestor worship and sacrifice that mention zi xi ji 自西祭 “sacrificial items originating from the west”.

5

▲5、220

Dispatch to Lady Hao.

6

▲6、333、342、481、 Heji 21853（Heji 21123）＋ JingJin 京津 2993 Zi contributing top-quality sickles.

▲6、350

Sacrificing and carving black bull for seasonal Yi 翌 rite to Ancestor Yi, on Yisi (42/60).

7

▲7、162、411

Sacrificing to “Two Ancestors 二祖” (Ancestors Jia and Yi).

▲7、37、196、291、354、463、428＋561、490

Sacrificing to Ancestors Jia, Yi, and Ancestress Geng at Lu ; with sacrificial animals entered from there.

▲2、7、37、149、467

Shooting with bow and arrow at Lu , Ning 濘, and Yong 雝, days Wuzi (25/60) through Guihai (60/60).

▲7、81、168、352、367

Trading and inspecting horses.

9

▲9、234

Evening of Bingyin (3/60) ritual event, including viand offerings and Zi having words in the ancestral temple.

▲50、378、381、(9)

Zi hunting from Wei .

11

▲11、473

Ji Nai 乃 travelling.

13

▲13、264

Sacrificing ewes to Ancestor Yi at Fu* on day Yisi (42/60), with Zi praying.

14

▲14、352

Hunting Qin’s southern hills for pigs.

16

▲16、53

Zi going to Yong 雝 to kill a sacrifice.

21

▲21、459

Making protection rite and libation for Zi going to hunt to the Lesser Altars; divinations dated Dingchou (14/60) and Wuyin (15/60).

▲21、29、296

Sacrificing white wild boars and offering grain to Ancestor Yi, on day Yisi (42/60).

26

▲26、198、420

Zi setting out viand trays, and providing viands for Ding and Lady Hao’s upcoming visit; divinations dated week of Jiashen (21/60).

▲26、314

Reporting a dream to Ancestress Geng with sacrificial offerings; week of Jiaxu (11/60).

27

▲27、32、320

Making exorcism and sacrificial offerings to Ancestress Geng, including registering 105 head of cattle; divinations made at Lai.

28

▲28、284

Certain people making an exorcism for the main character’s tooth.

▲113、28、39、53、149、181、409、550

Zi Xing’s illness, and exorcism rites for him; see ▲352、247、255、55.

▲28、36

Ding hunting.

29

▲29、60、81、289

Horse exorcism; divinations on days Yichou (2/60) to Dingmao (4/60).

▲29、149

Zi offering jade tablets to Lady Hao; divinations in the week of Jiawu (31/60). (Made the week before divinations about Ding’s arrival and gift giving; see

▲34、420、475、454.)

▲21、29、296

Sacrificing white wild boars and offering grain to Ancestor Yi on day Yisi (42/60).

32

▲27、32、320

Making exorcism and sacrificial offerings to Ancestress Geng, including registering 105 head of cattle; divinations made at Lai.

34

▲34、169、335、420

Preparations for Yi-day rite to Da Jia 大甲; on Jiachen (41/60) and Yisi (42/60).

▲34、420、454、475 Ding’s arrival and preparations for it.

35

▲35、3、395＋548

Hunting after the call to eat on day Renshen (9/60), from the “old location 昔所”, and on day Guiyou (10/60), from Ge 葛.

▲295、35、234、395＋548

Hunting deer; weeks Jiayin (51/60) and Jiazi (1/60).

36

▲36、28

Ding hunting.

37

▲37、63、195

Zi leading Lady Hao into Rong.

▲2、7、37、149、467

Shooting with bow and arrow at Lu , Ning 濘, and Yong 雝, days Wuzi (25/60) through Guihai (60/60).

▲37、198、288

Dispensing jades to Ding; divinations dated Guisi (30/60) and Jiawu (31/60).

▲37、63、459、195

(Divinations on Guichou (50/60) about) sacrificing feed cows to Ancestor Jia; (divinations on Yimao (52/60) about) using pigs and aromatic ale to sacrifice to Ancestor Yi.

▲37、178、475、196

The prince pouring out ale and dispensing jades to Ding.

▲7、37、196、291、354、463、428＋561、490

Sacrificing to Ancestors Jia, Yi, and Ancestress Geng at Lu ; with sacrificial animals entered from there.

39

▲39、53、501、275+517、450

Zi’s ear ringing.

▲113、28、39、53、149、181、409、550

Zi Xing’s illness, and exorcism rites for him; see ▲352、247、255、55.

▲39、130

Hu / (one person’s name spelled in two different ways); related to a musical performance; divinations dated Jimao (16/20) and day Wu (5/10) (> Wuyin 15/60?). See ▲130、372.

49

▲49、220

Cutting apart a sacrificial cow’s cranium, on Dingchou (14/60); related to rites for Ancestor Ding.

50

▲50、288

Zi hunting for deer and pigs, on day Yiwei (32/60).

▲50、378、381、(9)

Zi hunting from Wei .

53

▲39、53、501、275+517、450

Zi’s ear ringing.

▲16、53

Zi going to Yong 雝 to kill sacrifice, on a Bing day.

▲53、181、488

Exorcism rites for the Many Servitors 多臣.

▲113、28、39、53、149、181、255、409、550

Zi Xing’s illness, and exorcism rites for him.

▲3、53、181、409

Zi hunting; and resting with Ding. Whether or not Ding will not continue to be upset with Zi; dates: Ren(shen) (9/60) until day Yi(hai) (12/60) of following week. (Dates reconstructed based upon ▲35、3、395＋548.)

▲53、87、247

Zi lining up and also lining up female dancers for music and dance performances;

performance on Gengshen (57/60). Forms a series with ▲150、336、487 and ▲86、150、382.

55

▲352、247、255、55

Sacrificing to Ancestress Geng, and whether or not Zi will go to the Wan 澫 River to make exorcism (for Xing 興); see ▲113、28、39、53、149、181、409、550.

▲55、247

Zi Jin; divination on day Dinghai (24/60).

60

▲29、60、81、289

Horse exorcism; divinations on Yichou (2/60) to Dingmao (4/60).

▲126、431、60、81

The horse on the right.

63

▲37、63、195

Zi leading Lady Hao into Rong.

▲37、63、459、195 (Divinations on Guichou (50/60) about) sacrificing feed cows to Ancestor Jia;

(divinations on Yimao (52/60) about) using pigs and aromatic ale to sacrifice

to Ancestor Yi.

▲475、63 Calling upon Fa to present items to Ding and Lady Hao.

67

▲67、161、220、252、319、392、481、合集 22172 ＋合集 22351 Sacrificing cattle to Ancestor Yi, between days Yichou (2/60) and Dingchou (14/60).

75

▲3、75、181、183、268、409、446、463 Zi issuing a command. (Charge statement only records Zi ling 子令.)

76

▲478、76、299 Da’s sickness.

81

▲81、195、248、490、(496) Bringing offerings into Rong’s Eastern Guesthouse for Ancestress Geng’s altar/spirit tablet.

▲7、81、168、352、367 Trading and inspecting horses.

▲29、60、81、289 Horse exorcism; divinations on Yichou (2/60) to Dingmao (4/60).

▲126、431、60、81 The horse on the right.

84

▲84、137、458 Newly entered Qiang and Ji Nai’s handling of them.

86

▲86、150、382 Continuing to perform “Shang 商” music and dance; divinations on Bingchen (53/60). See ▲87、247 and ▲150、336、487.

87

▲87、247、(53) Zi lining up and also lining up female dancers for music and dance performances;

performance on Gengshen (57/60). Forms a series with ▲150、336、487 and ▲86、150、382.

88

▲455、88 Sacrificing and making offerings to Ancestress Jia, at Youjing 柚京; divinations on Jiazi (1/60).

▲88、102 Zi having fear in his heart; divinations on Yi(chou) (2/60).

92

▲92、453 Calling upon servitors to present sanctified meat to Ding.

102

▲88、102 Zi having fear in his heart; divinations on day Yi(chou) (2/60).

110

▲110、118

Whether or not Yin 引 will die.

112

▲112、266、277; see ▲144、159、264、290、455

Departure and arrival in three to five weeks.

▲112、266、277、159、290

Departure to the south and the expected date of arrival.

113

▲113、28、39、53、149、181、409、550

Zi Xing’s illness, and exorcism rites for him; see ▲352、247、255、55.

118

▲110、118

Whether or not Yin will die.

123＋Jiyi 輯佚

▲123＋Jiyi 輯佚 561、175、433＋434＋529、437、521＋531

561

Sacrificing to Ancestress Geng, on Xinyou (58/60).

▲288、124、113

Zi contributing bows.

124

▲124、165

Zi’s dream reaching to the point of affliction.

▲124、178、490

Zi presenting thick jade circlets to Ding.

126

▲126、431、60、81

The horse on the right.

130

▲130、372

Zi using zither players; Zi joined in.

▲39、130

Hu / (one person’s name spelled in two different ways); related to a musical performance; divinations dated Jimao (16/20) and day Wu (5/10) (> Wuyin 15/60?). See ▲130、372.

132

▲163 + 506、132、395 + 548

The prince’s toothache and possible exorcism.

137

▲84、137、458

Newly entered Qiang and Ji Nai’s handling of them.

144

▲144、159、264、290、455

Military action in the south.

146

▲179、146、386

Requesting to trade for piebald horses.

▲179、467、146、386

Who to call to request horses.

149

▲2、7、37、149、467

Shooting with bow and arrow at Lu , Ning 濘, and Yong 雝, days Wuzi (25/60) through Guihai (60/60).

▲29、149

Zi offering jade tablets to Lady Hao; divinations in the week of Jiawu (31/60). (Week before divinations about Ding’s arrival and gifting him jades; see

▲420、34、475、454.)

▲149、247、220

Zi reporting mouth illness to Ancestress Geng; whether or not to exorcise Zi’s mouth illness.

▲170、149、4

Sacrificing white boar or white sow + ale + sacrificial items from the west on days Jiayin (51/60) and Yimao (52/60) to Ancestors Jia and Yi, at Ru 入.

▲113、28、39、53、149、181、409、550

Zi Xing’s illness, and exorcism rites for him; see ▲352、247、255、55.

150

▲86、150、382

Continuing to perform “Shang 商” music and dance; divinations on Bingchen (53/60). See ▲87、247 and ▲150、336、487.

▲150、336、487

Whether or not Ding will be happy with Zi practicing “Shang 商”, on Yimao (52/60). See ▲87、247 and ▲86、150、382.

152

▲2、152

Zi Jin 子金; test divinations made by You 友.

154

▲337、154、366

Whether Ding would exit to hunt in the tenth month.

157

▲294、157

Zi reporting to Ding that Rong is under control.

159

▲144、159、264、290、455

Military action in the south.

▲159、290、112、266、277

Divinations about a departure to the south and the expected date of arrival.

161

▲67、161、220、252、319、392、481、合集 22172 ＋合集 22351

Sacrificing cattle to Ancestor Yi, between days Yichou (2/60) and Dingchou (14/60).

162

▲186、162

Divinations about exorcism for Dian 奠; whether or not he will die.

▲7、162、411

Sacrificing to “Two Ancestors 二祖” (Ancestors Jia and Yi).

163 + 506

▲163 + 506、132、395 + 548

The prince’s toothache and possible exorcism.

165

▲124、165

Zi’s dream reaching to the point of affliction.

168

▲7、81、168、352、367

Trading and inspecting horses.

169

▲34、169、335、420

Preparations for Yi-day rite to Da Jia 大甲; on Jiachen (41/60) and Yisi (42/60).

170

▲4、170、214、355

Ancestor worship and sacrifice that mention zi xi ji 自西祭 “sacrificial items originating from the west”.

175

▲123＋Jiyi 輯佚 561、175、433＋434＋529、437、521＋531

Sacrificing to Ancestress Geng on Xinyou (58/60).

178

▲355、196、178

Zi calling the Many Commanders to contribute jades to Ding, and Zi offering drinks to the Many Commanders; divinations made during week Jiachen (41/60).

▲178、376

Providing viands from one head of pen-raised cattle to Ancestress Geng, on Gengwu (7/60).

179

▲179、467、146、386

Who to call upon to request horses.

▲179、146、386

Requesting to trade for piebald horses.

▲179、290

Whether or not a situation would reach the point of affliction. (Phrased in the affirmative.) Divinations on Wuxu (35/60) and Jihai (36/60).

▲179、338

Sacrificing mountain rams paired with wild boars for Ancestor Jia, on Jiachen (41/60).

181

▲3、53、181、409

Zi hunting; and resting with Ding. Whether or not Ding will not continue to be upset with Zi; dates: Ren(shen) (9/60) until day Yi(hai) (12/60) of following week. (Dates reconstructed based upon ▲35、3、395＋548.)

▲3、75、181、183、268、409、446、463

Zi issuing a command. (Charge statement only records Zi ling 子令.)

▲305、293、474、183、181、416

Ding watching Zi dance.

▲113、28、39、53、149、181、409、550

Zi Xing’s illness, and exorcism rites for him; see ▲352、247、255、55.

▲53、181、488

Exorcism rites for the Many Servitors.

▲3、181、273、409

Zi Guo’s 馘 injury, when he will heal, and whether or not to perform exorcism for him to select ancestors: Ancestress Geng, Ancestress Ji together

with Ancestress Ding, or Child Gui. (All of the divinations in this microset are dated 1/10 and not 1/60.) See ▲181、273.

▲181、273

Exorcism rite for Zi Guo to Ancestress Ji and Ancestress Ding.

183

▲3、181、183、409

Zi hunting; and resting with Ding. Whether or not Ding will not continue to be upset with Zi; dates: Ren(shen) (9/60) until day Yi(hai) (12/60) of following week. (Dates reconstructed based upon ▲35、3、395＋548.)

▲3、75、181、183、268、409、446、463

Zi issuing a command. (Charge statement only records Zi ling 子令.)

▲305、293、474、183、181、416

Ding watching Zi dance.

186

▲186、162

Divinations about exorcism for Dian 奠; whether or not he will die.

187

▲187、240、（241）

Zi’s stomach sickness.

195

▲81、195、248、490、(496)

Bringing offerings into Rong’s Eastern Guesthouse for Ancestress Geng’s altar/spirit tablet.

▲37、63、195

Zi leading Lady Hao into Rong.

▲37、63、459、195

(Divinations on Guichou (50/60) about) sacrificing feed cows to Ancestor Jia; (divinations on Yimao (52/60) about) using pigs and aromatic ale to sacrifice to Ancestor Yi.

196

▲7、37、196、291、354、463、428＋561、490

Sacrificing to Ancestors Jia, Yi, and Ancestress Geng at Lu ; with sacrificial animals entered from there.

▲355、196、178

Zi calling the Many Commanders to contribute jades to Ding, and Zi offering drinks to the Many Commanders; divinations made during the week Jiachen (41/60).

197

▲197、492

Zi meeting Zhang 璋 at Lady Hao’s and performing an exorcism ritual over him.

198

▲37、198、288

Dispensing jades to Ding; divinations dated Guisi (30/60) and Jiawu (31/60).

▲26、198、420

Zi setting out viand trays, and about providing viands for Ding and Lady Hao’s upcoming visit; divinations made during the week Jiashen (21/60).

205

▲349、441、205

Family members and others because of Zi’s ghost dream; test divinations.

209

▲336、209

Making announcement about Zi Bi and whether or not to perform exorcism/protection rite for him; divinations and rites made week of Jiayin (51/60). Related to upcoming music and dance performance; see ▲86、150、382, ▲87、247 and ▲150、336、487.

214

▲214、226、427

Exorcism for Wei’s 微 eyes.

▲4、170、214、355

Ancestor worship and sacrifice that mention zi xi ji 自西祭 “sacrificial items originating from the west”.

218

▲218、379

Requesting millet from Lady Hao; divinations on Bingchen (53/60).

220

▲149、247、220

Zi reporting mouth illness to Ancestress Geng; whether or not to exorcise Zi’s mouth illness.

▲67、161、220、252、319、392、481、合集 22172 ＋合集 22351

Sacrificing cattle to Ancestor Yi, between Yichou (2/60) and Dingchou (14/60).

▲49、220

Cutting apart a sacrificial cow’s cranium, on Dingchou (14/60); related to rites for Ancestor Ding.

▲220、372

Calling Wei 微 to cook; divinations on Yiyou (22/60).

▲5、220

Dispatch to Lady Hao.

223

▲223、229

Zi contributing earthen-colored cowries to Ding.

226

▲226、214、427

Exorcism for Wei’s 微 eyes.

▲237、226

Seasonal Rong 肜-rite for Ancestor Ding, on Dingsi (54/60).

▲226、255

Sacrificial offerings to Ancestor Yi, and including the sentence yue you fa 口（曰）有伐 “Say ‘There will be a beheading’”.

▲275＋517、449、427、226、490

Seasonal Rong 肜-rites for Ancestor Yi and Ancestress Geng, on Yihai (12/60) and Gengchen (17/60).

228

▲228、299

Prime cattle.

229

▲223、229

Zi contributing earthen-colored cowries to Ding.

234

▲295、35、234、395＋548 Hunting deer; weeks Jiayin (51/60) and Jiazi (1/60).

▲9、234

Evening of Bingyin (3/60) ritual event, including viand offerings and Zi having words in the ancestral temple.

237

▲247、449、237、275＋517

The Shao territory; divinations made during the week Jiazi (1/60).

▲237、226

Seasonal Rong 肜-rite for Ancestor Ding, on Dingsi (54/60).

▲237、459

Using boars and aromatic ale to sacrifice to Ancestor Jia, on Jiazi (1/60).

240

▲187、240、(241)

Zi’s stomach sickness.

241

▲187、240、241

Whether Zi will have stomach sickness.

243

▲243、310

Ale libation and beheading (one victim) to Ancestor Yi; exorcism for the prince’s shoulder ailment. Dates: Jiaxu evening (11/60) and Yihai (12/60).

247

▲247、449、237、275＋517

The Shao territory; divinations made during the week Jiazi (1/60).

▲87、247、(53)

Zi lining up and also lining up female dancers for music and dance performances; performance on Gengshen (57/60). Forms a series with ▲150、336、487 and ▲86、150、382.

▲149、247、220

Zi reporting mouth illness to Ancestress Geng; whether or not to exorcise Zi’s mouth illness.

▲352、247、255、55

Sacrificing to Ancestress Geng and whether or not Zi will go to the Wan 澫 River to make exorcism (for Xing 興); see ▲113、28、39、53、149、181、409、550.

▲55、247

Zi Jin; divination on Dinghai (24/60).

248

▲475、420、(446)、248、294、454

Zi inviting Ding to come on Bingchen (53/60); divinations started on Xinhai (48/60) and continued until Yimao (52/60). Associated with “building Ding’s school in Rong 作丁序于戎” (294); see ▲294、157.

▲81、195、248、490、(496)

Bringing offerings into Rong’s Eastern Guesthouse for Ancestress Geng’s altar/spirit tablet.

▲248、459

Zi libating with new aromatic ale to Ancestor Jia; divinations on Guichou (50/60) for ritual on Jiayin (51/60).

252

▲67、161、220、252、319、392、481、合集 22172＋合集22351

Sacrificing cattle to Ancestor Yi, between days Yichou (2/60) and Dingchou (14/60).

253

▲253、288

Sacrificing one ewe to Child Gui, on Guisi (30/60).

255

▲275＋517、255

Calling upon the Many Traders to present Ding with gifts/contributions; divination on Yihai (12/60).

▲352、247、255、55

Sacrificing to Ancestress Geng and whether or not Zi will go to the Wan 澫 River to make an exorcism (for Xing 興); see ▲113、28、39、53、149、181、255、409、550.

▲255、290

Calling upon Wei 微 to banquet on days Yihai (12/60; not used) and Yiwei (32/60; used).

▲226、255

Sacrificial offerings to Ancestor Yi, and including the sentence yue you fa 口（曰）有伐 “Say ‘There will be a beheading’”.

257

▲257、410

Ding giving Zi servitors.

258

▲451、258

Sacrificing one sow to Ancestress Geng, on Gengchen (17/60).

264

▲13、264

Sacrificing ewes to Ancestor Yi at Fu* on day Yisi (42/60), with Zi praying.

▲144、159、264、290、455

Military action in the south.

266

▲112、266、277 ; see ▲144、159、264、290、455.

Departure and arrival.

▲112、266、277、159、290

Departure to the south and the expected date of arrival.

268

▲3、75、181、183、268、409、446、463

Zi issuing a command. (Charge statement only records Zi ling 子令.)

273

▲3、181、273、409

Zi Guo’s 馘 injury, when he will heal, and whether or not to perform exorcism for him to select ancestors: Ancestress Geng, Ancestress Ji together

with Ancestress Ding, or Child Gui. (All of the divinations in this microset are dated 1/10 and not 1/60.) See ▲181、273.

▲181、273

Exorcism rite for Zi Guo to Ancestress Ji and Ancestress Ding.

275＋517

▲39、53、501、275+517、450

Zi’s ear ringing.

▲275＋517、449、427、226、490

Seasonal Rong 肜 rites for Ancestor Yi and Ancestress Geng; on Yihai (12/60) and Gengchen (17/60).

▲247、449、237、275＋517

The Shao territory; divinations made during the week starting Jiazi 1/60.

▲275＋517、255

Calling the Many Traders to present Ding with gifts/contributions; divinations on Yihai (12/60).

276

▲276、401

Sacrificing ten head of cattle to Ancestress Geng; divinations made in the evening of day Yi (2/10).

277

▲112、266、277 ; see ▲144、159、264、290、455.

Departure and arrival.

▲112、266、277、159、290

Departure to the south and the expected date of arrival.

279

▲279、349、352

Zi having a ghost dream.

284

▲28、284

Certain people making an exorcism for the main character’s tooth.

286

▲286、384

Zi having various types of requests; divinations on Ren (9/10).

▲494、286

Zi reporting to Ding that the men are not unhappy.

288

▲480、288

Gift presentation to Lady Hao; divinations on Jiaxu (11/60) and Yiyou (22/60).

▲37、198、288

Dispensing jades to Ding; divinations dated Guisi (30/60) and Jiawu (31/60).

▲253、288

Sacrificing one ewe to Child Gui, on Guisi (30/60).

▲124、288

Contributing bows.

▲288、493

Calling upon Zi Hua to request horses; divinations on Wuzi (25/60).

▲50、288

Hunting for deer and pigs; divinations on Yiwei (32/60).

289

▲29、60、81、289

Horse exorcism; divinations on Yichou (2/60) to Dingmao (4/60).

290

▲255、290

Calling Wei 微 to banquet, on Yihai (12/60; not used) and Yiwei (32/60; used).

▲290、493

Divinations on day Renchen (29/30) about an ale libation 祼; the prince has a dream about it.

▲290、179 Whether or not a situation would reach the point of affliction. (Phrased in the affirmative.) Divinations on Wuxu (35/60) and Jihai (36/60).

▲144、159、264、290、455 （▲112、266、277）

Military expedition in the south.

▲7、37、196、291、354、463、428＋561、490

Sacrificing to Ancestors Jia, Yi, and Ancestress Geng at Lu ; with sacrificial animals entered from there.

293

▲305、293、474、183、181、416 Ding watching Zi dance.

294

▲475、420、446、248、294、454

Zi inviting Ding to come on Bingchen (53/60); divinations started on Xinhai (48/60) and continued until Yimao (52/60). Associated with “building Ding’s school in Rong 作丁序于戎” (294); see ▲294、157.

▲294、157

Zi reporting to Ding that Rong is under control.

295

▲295、35、234、395＋548

Hunting deer; weeks Jiayin (51/60) and Jiazi (1/60).

296

▲21、296、29

Sacrificing white wild boars and offering grain to Ancestor Yi, on day Yisi (42/60).

299

▲478、76、299

Da’s sickness.

▲228、299

Prime cattle.

300

▲375、455、300

You You having a gathering (of men); divinations on Yichou (2/60) and Bingyin (3/60), at Youjing 柚京.

304

▲304、446

Zi’s head illness (headache).

305

▲305、293、474、183、181、416

Ding watching Zi dance.

310

▲243、310

Ale libation and beheading (one victim) to Ancestor Yi; exorcism for the prince’s shoulder ailment. Dates: Jiaxu evening (11/60) and Yihai (12/60).

312

▲312、363、480

Hunting and sacrificial activities at Tang 唐 on days Wuwu (55/60) and Xinyou (58/60). Return of the hunt from Tang, at Fu*; preparations for the arrival of Ding and Lady Hao to Fu* on Dingchou (14/60).

313

▲313、324

Performing a requital sacrifice with Mang’s 亡 pigs; divination on Jihai (36/60).

314

▲314、391

Which of the trader-inspected horses should be paired together; divinations on Yihai (12/60) and Gengchen (17/60).

▲26、314

Reporting a dream to Ancestress Geng with sacrificial offerings; week of Jiaxu (11/60).

316

▲316、355

Sacrificing a dog to Ancestor Wu, on Wushen (45/60).

319

▲67、161、220、252、319、392、481、合集 22172＋合集22351

Sacrificing cattle to Ancestor Yi, between days Yichou (2/60) and Dingchou (14/60).

320

▲27、32、320

Making exorcism and sacrificial offerings to Ancestress Geng, including the registering of 105 head of cattle; divinations made at Lai.

324

▲313、324

Performing a requital sacrifice with Mang’s 亡 pigs; divinations on Jihai (36/60).

333

▲6、333、342、481、 Heji 21853（Heji 21123）＋ JingJin 京津 2993

Zi contributing top quality sickles.

335

▲34、169、335、420

Preparations for Yi-day rite to Da Jia 大甲; on Jiachen (41/60) and Yisi (42/60).

336

▲150、336、487

Whether or not Ding will be happy with Zi practicing “Shang 商”, on Yimao (52/60). See ▲87、247 and ▲86、150、382.

▲336、209

Making announcement about Zi Bi and whether or not to perform exorcism/protection rite for him; divinations and rites made week of Jiayin

(51/60). Related to upcoming music and dance performance; see ▲86、150、382, ▲87、247 and ▲150、336、487.

337

▲337、154、366

Whether Ding would exit to hunt in the tenth month.

338

▲179、338

Sacrificing mountain rams paired with wild boars for Ancestor Jia, on day Jiachen (41/60).

342

▲6、333、342、481、 Heji 21853（Heji 21123）＋ JingJin 京津 2993

Zi contributing top quality sickles.

349

▲279、349、352

Zi having a ghost dream.

▲349、441、205

Family members and others because of Zi’s ghost dream (test divinations).

350

▲6、350

Sacrificing and carving black bulls for Ancestor Yi’s Yi-day rite, on Yisi (42/60).

352

▲7、81、168、352、367

Trading and inspecting horses.

▲352、247、255、55

Sacrificing to Ancestress Geng and whether or not Zi will go to the Wan 澫 River to make an exorcism (for Xing 興); see ▲113、28、39、53、149、181、255、409、550.

▲279、349、352

Zi having a ghost dream.

▲14、352

Hunting Qin’s southern hills for pigs.

354

▲7、37、196、291、354、463、428＋561、490

Sacrificing to Ancestors Jia, Yi, and Ancestress Geng at Lu ; with sacrificial animals entered from there.

355

▲355、196、178

Divinations in week of Jiachen about Zi calling the Many Commanders to contribute jades to Ding, and about Zi providing drinks to the Many Commanders.

▲316、355

Sacrificing a dog to Ancestor Wu, on Wushen (45/60).

▲4、170、214、355

Ancestor worship and sacrifice that mention zi xi ji 自西祭 “sacrificial items originating from the west”.

363

▲312、363、480

Hunting and sacrificial activities at Tang 唐 on days Wuwu (55/60) and Xinyou (58/60). Return of the hunt from Tang, at Fu*; preparations for the arrival of Ding and Lady Hao to Fu* on Dingchou (14/60).

366

▲337、154、366

Whether Ding would exit to hunt in the tenth month.

367

▲7、81、168、352、367

Trading and inspecting horses.

372

▲372、391

Zi cutting and making jade tablets and whether or not to report it to Ding; divinations on Jiawu (31/60).

▲220、372

Calling Wei 微 to cook; divinations on Yiyou (22/60).

▲130、372

Zi using zither players; Zi joined in.

375

▲375、455、300

You You having a gathering (of men); divinations on Yichou (2/60) and Bingyin (3/60), at Youjing 柚京.

376

▲178、376

Providing viands from one head of pen-raised cattle to Ancestress Geng, on Gengwu (7/60).

378

▲50、378、381、(9)

Zi hunting from Wei .

379

▲218、379

Requesting millet from Lady Hao; divinations on day Bingchen (53/60).

381

▲50、378、381、(9)

Zi hunting from Wei .

382

▲86、150、382

Continuing to perform “Shang 商” music and dance; divinations on Bingchen (53/60). See ▲87、247 and ▲150、336、487.

384

▲286、384

Zi having various types of requests; divinations on Ren (9/10).

386

▲179、146、386

Requesting to trade for piebald horses.

391

▲372、391

Zi cutting and making jade tablets and whether or not to report it to Ding; divinations on Jiawu (31/60).

▲314、391

Which of the trader-inspected horses should be paired together; divinations on days Yihai (12/60) and Gengchen (17/60).

392

▲67、161、220、252、319、392、481、合集 22172＋合集 22351

Sacrificing cattle to Ancestor Yi, between days Yichou (2/60) and Dingchou (14/60).

395＋548

▲35、3、395＋548

Hunting after the call to eat on day Renshen (9/60), from the “old location 昔所”, and on day Guiyou (10/60), from Ge 葛.

▲295、35、234、395＋548

Hunting deer; weeks Jiayin (51/60) and Jiazi (1/60).

▲163 + 506、132、395 + 548

The prince’s toothache and possible exorcism.

401

▲276、401

Sacrificing ten head of cattle to Ancestress Geng; divination in the evening of day Yi (2/10).

409

▲3、53、181、409

Zi hunting; and resting with Ding. Whether or not Ding will not continue to be upset with Zi; dates: Ren(shen) (9/60) until day Yi(hai) (12/60) of following week. (Dates reconstructed based upon ▲35、3、395＋548.)

▲3、75、181、183、268、409、446、463

Zi issuing a command. (Charge statement only records Zi ling 子令.)

▲28、39、53、113、149、181、409、550

Zi Xing’s illness, and exorcism rites for him; see ▲352、247、255、55.

410

▲257、410

Ding giving Zi servitors.

411

▲7、162、411

Sacrificing to “Two Ancestors 二祖” (Ancestors Jia and Yi).

416

▲305、293、474、183、181、416

Ding watching Zi dance.

420

▲26、198、420

Zi setting out viand trays, and about providing viands for Ding and Lady Hao’s upcoming visit; divinations dated week of Jiashen (21/60).

▲34、420、454、475

Ding’s arrival and preparations for it.

▲34、169、335、420

Preparations for Yi-day rite to Da Jia 大甲; on Jiachen (41/60) and Yisi (42/60).

▲475、420、(446)、248、294、454

Zi inviting Ding to come on Bingchen (53/60); divinations started on Xinhai (48/60) and continued until Yimao (52/60). Associated with “building Ding’s school in Rong 作丁序于戎” (294); see ▲294、157.

427

▲226、214、427

Exorcism rite for Wei’s 微 eye(s).

▲275＋517、449、427、226、490

Seasonal Rong 肜 rites for Ancestor Yi and Ancestress Geng, on days Yihai (12/60) and Gengchen (17/60).

428＋561

▲7、37、196、291、354、463、428＋561、490

Sacrificing to Ancestors Jia, Yi, and Ancestress Geng at Lu ; with sacrificial animals entered from there.

441

▲349、441、205

Family members and others because of Zi’s ghost dream (test divinations).

446

▲475、420、446、248、294、454

Zi inviting Ding to come on Bingchen (53/60); divinations started on Xinhai (48/60) and continued until Yimao (52/60). Associated with “building Ding’s school in Rong 作丁序于戎” (294); see ▲294、157.

▲304、446

Zi’s head illness (headaches).

▲3、75、181、183、268、409、446、463

Zi issuing a command. (Charge statement only records Zi ling 子令.)

449

▲275＋517、449、427、226、490

Seasonal Rong 肜 rites for Ancestor Yi and Ancestress Geng on Yihai (12/60) and Gengchen (17/60).

▲247、449、237、275＋517

The Shao territory; divinations made during the week Jiazi 1/60.

450

▲39、53、501、275+517、450

Zi’s ear ringing.

451

▲451、258

Sacrificing one sow to Ancestress Geng, on Gengchen (17/60).

453

▲92、453 Calling upon servitors to present sanctified meat to Ding.

454

▲475、420、446、248、294、454

Zi inviting Ding to come on Bingchen (53/60); divinations started on Xinhai (48/60) and continued until Yimao (52/60). Associated with “building Ding’s school in Rong 作丁序于戎” (294); see ▲294、157.

▲34、420、454、475

Ding’s arrival and preparations for it.

455

▲375、455、300

You You having a gathering (of men); divinations on Yichou (2/60) and Bingyin (3/60), at Youjing 柚京.

▲455、88

Sacrificing and making offerings to Ancestress Jia, at Youjing 柚京; divinations on Jiazi (1/60).

▲144、159、264、290、455

Military action in the south.

458

▲84、137、458

Newly entered Qiang and Ji Nai’s handling of them.

459

▲248、459

Zi libating with new aromatic ale to Ancestor Jia; divinations on Guichou (50/60) for ritual on Jiayin (51/60).

▲37、63、459、195

(Divinations on Guichou (50/60) about) sacrificing feed cows to Ancestor Jia; (divinations on Yimao (52/60) about) using pigs and aromatic ale to sacrifice to Ancestor Yi.

▲237、459

Using boars and aromatic ale to sacrifice to Ancestor Jia, on Jiazi (1/60).

▲21、459

Making protection rite and libation for Zi going to hunt to the Lesser Altars; divinations dated Dingchou (14/60) and Wuyin (15/60).

463

▲7、37、196、291、354、463、428＋561、490

Sacrificing to Ancestors Jia, Yi, and Ancestress Geng at Lu ; with sacrificial animals entered from there.

▲3、75、181、183、268、409、446、463

Zi issuing a command. (Charge statement only records Zi ling 子令.)

467

▲2、7、37、149、467

Shooting with bow and arrow at Lu , Ning 濘, and Yong 雝, days Wuzi (25/60) through Guihai (60/60).

▲179、467、146、386

Requests to trade for grain and horses.

473

▲11、473

Ji Nai travelling.

474

▲305、293、474、183、181、416

Ding watching Zi dance.

▲474、491

Offering animals skins and other ritual activities for Ancestress Geng on day Gengwu, at Rong; divinations dated Jisi (6/60) and Gengwu (7/60).

475

▲475、420、(446)、248、294、454

Zi inviting Ding to come on Bingchen (53/60); divinations started on Xinhai (48/60) and continued until Yimao (52/60). Associated with “building Ding’s school in Rong 作丁序于戎” (294); see ▲294、157.

▲34、420、454、475

Ding’s arrival and preparations for it.

478

▲478、76、299

Da’s sickness.

480

▲312、363、480

Hunting and sacrificial activities at Tang 唐 on days Wuwu (55/60) and Xinyou (58/60). Return of the hunt from Tang, at Fu*; preparations for the arrival of Ding and Lady Hao to Fu* on Dingchou (14/60).

▲480、288

Gift presentation to Lady Hao; divinations on Jiaxu (11/60) and Yiyou (22/60).

481

▲67、161、220、252、319、392、481、合集 22172＋合集 22351

Sacrificing cattle to Ancestor Yi, between Yichou (2/60) and Dingchou (14/60).

▲342、481、Heji 21853（Heji 21123）＋ JingJin 京津 2993、6、333

Zi contributing top-quality sickles.

487

▲150、336、487

Whether or not Ding will be happy with Zi practicing “Shang 商”, on Yimao (52/60). See ▲87、247 and ▲86、150、382.

488

▲53、181、488

Exorcism rites for the Many Servitors.

490

▲275＋517、449、427、226、490

Seasonal Rong 肜 rites for Ancestor Yi and Ancestress Geng on Yihai (12/60) and Gengchen (17/60).

▲7、37、196、291、354、463、428＋561、490

Sacrificing to Ancestors Jia, Yi, and Ancestress Geng at Lu ; with sacrificial animals entered from there.

▲81、195、248、490、(496)

Bringing offerings into Rong’s Eastern Guesthouse for Ancestress Geng’s altar/spirit tablet.

491

▲474、491

Offering animals skins and other ritual activities for Ancestress Geng on day Gengwu, at Rong; divinations dated Jisi (6/60) and Gengwu (7/60).

492

▲197、492

Zi meeting Zhang 璋 at Lady Hao’s and performing an exorcism ritual over him.

493

▲288、493

Calling Zi Hua to request horses; divinations on Wuzi (25/60).

▲290、493

Divinations on day Renchen (29/30) about an ale libation 祼; the prince has a dream about it.

494

▲494、286

Zi reporting to Ding that the men are not unhappy.

496

▲81、195、248、490、496

Bringing offerings for Ancestress Geng’s altar/spirit tablet.

501

▲39、53、501、275+517、450

Zi’s ear ringing.

506 + 163

▲163 + 506、132、395 + 548

The prince’s toothache and possible exorcism.

550

Fragment associated with ▲113、28、39、53、149、181、409. Zi Xing’s illness, and exorcism rites for him; see ▲352、247、255、

Appendix III: The "Big Synchrony"

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———. 2009. “HuaDong buci ‘bu zhu’ shiyi” 花東卜辭不鼄釋義. In Jinian Wang Yirong faxian jiaguwen 110 zhounian guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 紀念王懿榮發現甲骨文110 周年國際學術研討會論文集, ed. Wang Yuxin 王宇信. Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe.

———. 2016. “Yinxu Huayuanzhuang dongdi jiagu de zhuren ‘Zi’ shi shui” 殷墟花園莊東地甲骨的主人「子」是誰, Guwenzi yanjiu 古文字研究 31.

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———. 2006b. “1991 nian Yinxu Huayuanzhuang dongdi jiagu de faxian yu zhengli” 1991 年殷墟花園莊東地甲骨的發現與整理. In Huayuanzhuang dong di jiagu luncong 花園莊東地甲骨論叢, eds. Wang Jiansheng 王建生 and Zhu Qixiang 朱岐祥. Taipei: Shenghuan tushu gufen youxian gongsi.

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Index

Note: This index addresses the narrative portions of this book; it does not address the contents of the translation and its annotations.

- administrative receipts 1f., 2n

- ancestor designations 1, 2f.

- ancestor names 1, 2

- ancestor worship 1, 2, 3f., 4f.

- Anyang 1, 6f., 6n, 2, 3n, 4f., 5, 6

- Baihutong 白虎通 (Discussions at the White Tiger Pavilion) 1n

- beng 祊 1f., 2n

- bi 璧 1, 2

- Bin 賓 diviner group 1n

- Boodberg, Peter 1n

- cattle scapulae 1, 2, 3, 4n

- Chen Jian 1n, 2n

- Chen Mengjia 1n, 2, 3n, 4n, 5n, 6n, 7

- Cheng wu 程寤 (Awaking in Cheng); manuscript in the Qinghua University collection 1n

- communication 1, 2f., 3, 4

- dance 1, 2, 3, 4

- Da guo 大過 hexagram 1n

- di 嫡 1, 2

- di 帝 1, 2, 3

- di 蒂 1

- dian 顛 1n, 2

- ding 丁 1n, 2, 3, 4, 5f., 6, 7, 8n, 9

- Ding 丁 (His Highness) 1n, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6f., 7, 8n, 9n, 10, 11

- ding 釘 1

- ding 頂 1n, 2, 3n

- display inscriptions 1, 2

- divination for people other than the kings 1

- divination for the kings 1

- divination in sets of three/“divination in threes” 1

- divination sets 1n, 2, 3, 4, 5

- divination statements 1n, 2, 3

- diviners 1, 2n, 3f., 4, 5f., 6, 7n, 8, 19f., 19n, 9, 10n, 11n, 12, 13n, 14, 15f., 16f., 17n, 18, 19f.

- Dong Zuobin 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n, 5, 6n

- dreams 1, 2, 3

- ear ringing/tinnitus 1, 2, 3, 37f., 37n, 4, 5

- entoplastron 1

- erasures 1

- Erya 爾雅 1

- exorcism 1n, 2n, 3, 4n, 5, 6n, 7, 8

- formal predictions (zhanci 占辭) 1, 2

- Fu (place) 1, 2, 3, 4n, 5, 6f.

- Ge 割 (葛) (place) 1

- Geng Ying you 庚赢卣; Western Zhou bronze inscription 1n

- Gu 雇 (滬) (place) 1n

- handwriting style(s) 1, 2, 3n

- health 1, 2, 3, 4n, 5

- hollows 1f.

- horse trade 1, 2, 3n

- Huang Tianshu 1, 2n, 3n, 4n, 5n, 6n

- Huayuanzhuang East 1, 2, 3n, 4, 5, 6n, 7n, 8, 9n, 10n, 11n, 12, 13, 14n, 15n, 16n, 17, 18n, 19, 20n, 21n, 22f., 23n, 24n, 25f., 26, 27f., 28n, 29, 30n

- Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions 1f., 2, 3n, 4f.

- Huayuanzhuang East script 1n, 2

- hunting 1, 2

- jade/jade delivery 1, 2, 3f., 4, 5, 6

- Jao Tsung-I 1n, 2n

- Ji Ji fangzun 季姬方尊; Western Zhou bronze inscription 1n

- Jiang Yubin 1n, 2, 3n, 4n

- Jinteng 金滕 (Metal Coffer), chapter in the Shangshu 1n

- judgment(s) 1, 2, 3, 4

- K.C. Chang 52f., 52n, 1n

- Kaizuka Shigeki 1n

- kan 侃 “happy” 1n

- Keightley, David 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n, 5n, 6n, 7n

- Kui 睽 hexagram 1

- Lady Hao 婦好, Wu Ding’s spouse 1, 2, 3

- Late Shang 1, 2n, 3

- Li Ling 1n, 2n

- Li Xueqin 1n, 2, 3n, 4n, 5n, 6n, 7n, 8n, 9n, 10n, 11n, 12, 13n, 14n, 15, 16n, 17n

- Li 歷 diviner group 1

- libation 1, 2, 3

- Lin Yun 1, 2n, 3n, 4n, 5, 6n, 7n, 8n

- “Lin zhi zhi 麟之趾” (Feet of the Unicorn); poem in the Shijing 1n

- Liu Yiman 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n, 5n

- Lu (place) 1n, 2, 3n

- material documents 1, 2, 3

- military personnel 1, 2, 3

- Mt. Cang 蒼山, Shandong 1

- music 1n, 2, 3, 4, 5

- non-test divinations (fei zhen buci 非貞卜辭) 1n

- Oracle bone script 1, 2n, 3n, 4f., 5n, 6, 7n, 8n, 9n, 10f., 11n, 12n, 13, 14, 15, 16n, 17f., 18n, 54f., 54n, 19, 20f., 21n, 22n, 23f.

- Pan Geng 盤庚, 1th Shang king 2

- perforations 1f.

- personal memory 1, 2

- pi 辟 1, 2f.

- Pit H1 2, 3, 4, 5n, 6, 7n

- Pit XH 1 2n

- Pit YH 1 2, 3n

- pray/prayer 1f., 2, 3

- princely communications 1

- Qian Kun zao du 乾坤鑿度 (Boring the degrees of Qian and Kun) 1n

- Qinyang 沁陽, Henan 1

- Qiu Xigui 1n, 2, 3n, 4n, 5n

- reports 1, 2

- Rong (戎) (place/person’s name) 1, 2, 3n, 4, 5n, 6n, 7n, 8n, 9, 10, 11n, 12

- royal children 1, 2

- royal family 1, 2n, 3, 4n, 5n, 6f., 7f., 8, 9, 10f., 11f., 12, 13f.

- ruo若 “favorable; good” 1n

- sacrifice 1, 2, 3f., 4, 5n, 6, 7, 8n

- Sakikawa Takashi 1n, 2n

- Schuessler, Axel 1n

- scribes 1, 2, 3, 4f., 5n, 6, 7f., 8, 9, 10n, 11n, 12, 13, 14

- Serruys, Paul 1n, 2n, 3n

- Shao 召/卲 territory 1

- Shaughnessy, Edward 1n, 2n

- Shen Pei 1n

- Shi Yadang (Adam Schwartz) 1n

- Shi 師 diviner group 1

- sickness 1, 2n, 3n, 4, 5, 6

- signatures 1, 2

- Smith, Adam D. 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n, 5n, 6n, 7n

- Song Zhenhao 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n

- staff 1n, 2, 3f., 4, 5, 6n

- Sun Yabing 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n

- synchrony/synchronies 1, 2n, 3n, 4, 5f., 6, 7

- Tang 唐 (place) 1

- Takashima Ken-ichi 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n, 5n

- temple day (/day name) 廟號/日名 1

- test divinations (zhen buci 貞卜辭) 1n, 2

- tian 天 1, 2f., 3n, 4

- timelines 1, 2, 3, 4n, 5

- tomb of Lady Hao 1

- traders 1, 2, 3, 4f., 5

- turtle shells 1, 2f., 3, 4

- Various Predictions about Sneezing and Ear Ringing 嚏耳鳴雜占 1n

- Wang Yunzhi 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n, 5n, 6n, 7n, 8n, 9n, 10n

- wang 王 1, 2, 3, 4

- Warring States script 1n

- weather 1, 2, 3

- Wei Cide 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n

- well-being 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6

- Wen Yiduo 1n, 2

- Wenxian 溫縣, Henan 1

- Western Zhou script 1n, 2n, 3, 4, 5n, 6n, 7, 8f., 9n

- Wu Ding 武丁, 1th Shang king 2

- Xiao Xin 小辛, 1th Shang king 2

- Xiao Yi 小乙, 1th Shang king 2

- Xiaotun 1f., 2, 3n, 4n, 5, 6

- Xiaozi Sheng you 小子省卣, Shang bronze inscription 1n

- Xingyang 滎陽, Henan 1n

- Xiuwu 修武, Henan 1

- xue 學 1

- Yang Jia 陽甲, 1th Shang king 2

- Yao Xuan 1n, 18f., 18n, 2n, 3n, 4n

- Ye Yusen 1n, 2n

- “Yi-Ding system” 乙丁制 hypothesis 1f.

- Yijing 易經 1, 2n

- You 柚 (place) 1f.

- Yu Xingwu 1n, 2n, 3n

- zhan 占 1, 2n

- Zhang Bingquan 1n

- zhen 貞 “test” 1n, 2n, 3f.

- zheng 正 1n

- Zhu Fenghan 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n

- Zi 子 (our lord) 1n, 2, 3n, 4f., 5, 6, 7, 8, 9n, 10, 11, 12n, 13, 14, 15

- Zi子-group divinations 1n, 2, 3n, 4f., 5, 6, 7, 8, 9n, 10, 11, 12n, 13, 14, 15

- Zu Ding 祖丁, 21st Shang king 1

- Zu Geng 祖庚, 28th Shang king 1n, 2

- Zu Jia 祖甲, 29th Shang king 1n, 2

Endnotes

1
This count is from Wang Yunzhi 2010: 142.

2
David Keightley 2000.

3
Of these 73,000+ inscribed pieces, Wang Yunzhi (2010: 142, 409) calculates that 2015 pieces were made either on behalf of or by people other than the kings.

4
Ye Yusen ([1934] 2001.7:241-485) and his student Jin Zutong ([1935] 2001.35: 1-44) were the first to recognize something different about divination inscriptions of this kind. Dong Zuobin ([1936] 2001.24: 196-199) isolated the diviners responsible for them, called attention the individuality of their script, and concluded that the main figure “Zi 子” was a prince of the royal family who made some divinations on his own but was not a specialist. Kaizuka Shigeki (1938, 1946) coined the term “Divination statements of the Many Princely Lineages” (duo Zi zu buci 多子族卜辭) and dated them to Wu Ding’s reign; for the dates of Wu Ding’s reign as 1238-1180 BC, see Chen Mengjia 1955: 73-74 and David Keightley 1978: Table 37. Li Xueqin (2016: 18-24) first proposed a broad classification of oracle bone inscriptions into two major types: divinations made for or by the Shang kings and divinations made for or by other people. Takashima (2010: I.6) has a summary.

5
The doctoral dissertation of Jiang Yubin (2006) extracted additional divination sets made for or by people other than the kings, most of which, but not all, were also produced during Wu Ding’s reign.

6 Heji and HJ are abbreviations for the multivolume oracle bone catalogue Jiaguwen heji (19791982). Because this catalogue is cited so often hereafter, the abbreviations are not italicized.

7
This count is from Adam D. Smith (2008: 288), “It includes plastron receipt records and so slightly overestimates the number of actual divination records.”

8
See ZSKY Anyang gongzuodui 1993; ZSKY 2003; Liu Yiman 1991, 1993, 1998, 2002; Cao Dingyun 2006.

9
HYZ 397B (=553), HYZ 397A (=561), HYZ 477.

10
These are 428+561, 275+517 and 521+531 (from Jiang Yubin 蔣玉斌); 395+548 and 434+433+529 (from Fang Zhisong 方稚松); 207+210 and 302+344 (from Lin Hongming 林宏明); and 432+553 (from Yao Xuan 姚萱).

11
Sun Yabing 2014: 20-21.

12
A direct statistical comparison cannot be made with the Xiaotun South pieces since those were mostly cattle scapulae.

13
Liu Yiman 2008.

14
A biological study and identification of species, made by Ye Xiangkui, is included ZSKY 2003, volume 6.

15
Sun Yabing 2014: 71-75. A classification of hollow and bridge (jiaqiao 甲橋) types is found in ZSKY 2003, volume 6.

16
For a discussion of Huayuanzhuang East receipt records, see Liu Yiman and Cao Dingyun 2004, and Adam D. Smith 2008: 262-273. Smith offers two possible calculations that both come close to the total number of inscribed plastrons used by the divination practice. He concludes, “the contents of the pit of H3 represent a complete snapshot of workshop productivity over a period of time.” Thirteen shells are marked with the notation “30”. Adding these 390 shells to five shells each marked “Kan , ten” and to three shells each marked “Liu , ten” gives a total of 470. Adding the remainder of quantified delivery notations to this number gives a total of 536. Six delivery notations include only names and are without numbers.

17
David Keightley 1978: 21-22, n. 93.

18
David Keightley (1978: 55) states, “Chemical analysis on one red and black specimen taken from carved graphs in the Chalfant collection at Princeton showed that the red was cinnabar (mercuric sulfide).”

19
Adam D. Smith 2008: 284-285, Figs. 3.6, 3.14. Liu Yiman 2002: 156.

20
Adam D. Smith 2008: 285.

21
Li Xueqin (2008: 296-297) cites an oracle bone deposit at Xiaotun (XH 127) where a bundle of nine oracle bones in three sets of three carried the notation san ce ce fan san 三册册凡三 “Three ce; ce all three”.

22
Zhu Qixiang 2008: 29-44. Specifically, the words for the family head “Zi 子” (HYZ 41, 42, 64, 74, 89, 202, 269, 273), his father the king, “Ding 丁” (HYZ 72, 77, 90, 189, 203, 256, 301), and his deceased grandmother, “bi Geng 妣庚” (HYZ 69, 88, 92, 106, 120, 128, 238, 257, 268, 273), seem to have been intentionally preserved. Counter evidence is the preservation of grammatical words.

23
Based on Qi Hangfu and Zhang Xiuxia 2011. Wang Yunzhi (2010: 456-457) counts 572 individual graphs inclusive of allographs. Minus 141 graphs that he cannot decipher, he puts the total number of decipherable graphs at 431.

24
Wang Yunzhi (2010: 457) counts 72.

25
The two seminal studies of orthographic types are Huang Tianshu [1991] 2007 and Li Xueqin and Peng Yushang 1996.

26
Zhu Qixiang 2006: 279-293; Wang Yunzhi 2010: 456.

27
Dong Zuobin (1933) proposed that orthography and diviner’s names were two equal criteria (amongst eight others) to periodize divinations. Chen Mengjia (1956) considered diviner’s names to be primary criteria, while orthography (in addition to vocabulary and syntax) was secondary criteria; see Li and Peng 1996: 4-12. Li Xueqin (2016: 18-24) first proposed to distinguish between (orthographic) typology and (oracle bone) periodization, and emphasized that multiple writing styles could be in use at the same time. Lin Yun (1984) proposed that orthography should be the sole criteria used to create typologies. While there is enough scribal data in the calligraphy and design layout of the divination records to establish the Huayuanzhuang East script as its own “type”, the point I am making here is that, in this case, scribal typology is problematic as sole criteria to date the corpus. The Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone divinations do not usually name the diviners responsible for making the divinations.

28
Prior to this discovery, graphs used to write the words zhan (占) “predict” (twenty-seven instances), zhen (鼑) “test” (one instance, 446.8), gui (癸) “day 10/10” (see for instance 416.11) and wang (王) “king” (one instance, 420.4) were all once considered to be post-Wu Ding period inventions. Amongst these four examples, only the writing of “king” can be somewhat reconciled because of the close proximity in time between the creation of the Huayuanzhuang East divinations and the first occurrence of this graphic form in the years immediately following Wu Ding’s death. The other three examples are more difficult to account for since all were once assumed to be “standard” forms from scribes who wrote more than two hundred years later, at the end of the Anyang period. The word zhan occurs twenty-nine times in the Huayuanzhuang East divination records. A variant spelling, , which writes “mouth” and not a curved deictic stroke under the base image “ox scapula” (jian 肩), occurs twice on one shell (173.2-3). The word wang “king” occurs twice in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations (420.4, 480.3) and is also written in two different ways. Written on 480.3, this form, which does not have a horizontal stroke at the top, was once considered to be the only way scribes wrote “king” in Wu Ding period script. Furthermore, the handwriting on 420.4 and 480.3 is clearly written in two different styles and this implies that different scribes wrote them.

29
Li Xueqin 1992.

30
Schwartz, forthcoming in the Bulletin of the Jao Tsung-I Academy of Sinology 7 (2020), provides a discussion of scribal identity, handwriting styles, orientation and design layout, and other distinctive habits in the writing of the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bone inscriptions; see Sakikawa Takashi (2011) for a discussion of scribal identity in the Bin 賓diviner group inscriptions (period I OBI).

31
Dong Zuobin’s Yinlipu (1945) was the first attempt to synchronize hundreds of oracles from Wu Ding’s reign (period I) into timelines arranged by topics such as “daytime”, “evening”, “weekly”, “monthly”, and “yearly”. He did the same thing for the major cyclical rites (zhou ji 周祭) of the late Shang kings (period V OBI). Major military events such as Wu Ding and Zu Geng’s (periods I-IIa) war against the Shao territory and Di Xin’s (period V) war against the Ren territory, as well as royal cyclical rites and other events have also been collated into synchronies; see Xu Jinxiong 2001.27: 97-104, Chang Yuzhi 1987, Wang Yunzhi 2010: 367-370, Wang Yunzhi and Men Yi 2008, and Wang Yunzhi and Zhang Yi 2010: 97-105. Geographic studies have also routinely used synchronies as a guiding principle; see Guo Moruo 1933, Chen Mengjia 1956, Shima Kunio [1958] 2006, Zhong Bosheng 1989, and Zheng Jiexiang 1994.

32
Jao Tsung-I [1959] 2009: 2.65-68.

33
Song Zhenhao (2010: 635-644) understands this phrase as to use a second shell to divine. The commentary to HYZ 183 discusses this in more detail.

34
The most famous instance is the line in the “Jinteng” 金縢 chapter of the Shangshu 尚書that reads, 卜三龜一習吉 “[The duke of Zhou] cracked three turtles (and) one (divination) after another was auspicious.” See Song Zhenhao 1989, 2010: 635-644 and Wang Yunzhi 2010: 118-123. While sets of three shells and bones were commonly used in the Shang king’s divinations, more important or urgent events necessitated larger odd-multiple sets of five, seven and nine. Shi Yadang (Adam Schwartz) (2018) discusses divination made on behalf of the Shang kings in sets of nine.

35
A few examples are: (1) HYZ 37.20-23↔63.1-3↔195.1-4; (2) 150.3-4↔336.1↔487.1-2; and (3) 86.1↔150.5↔382. Examples (2) and (3) are three-shell sets pertaining to the same event—entertainment in the presence of the king, can be linked together through HYZ 150, and lead to the reconstruction of a five-shell synchrony. “HYZ 37.20” refers to surface #37, divination account (20) in the ZSKY 2003 publication. The symbol ↔ is a convention I use to express “A synchronized with B”.

36
Wei Cide 2006: 154. Whether or not this holds true for other multiple shell sets can easily be tested with the measurements (Appendix I), bridge shapes and hollow configurations in ZSKY 2003; see Sun Yabing 2014: 308. Takashima (2010: I.13) discusses a five-shell set in Bingbian (3438+385) with plastrons of about the same size.

37
See too the five-shell set HYZ 6 ↔ 333 ↔ 342 ↔ 481 ↔ HJ 21853. The Bingbian collection contains nine five-shell sets; see Takashima 2010: I.13.

38
A preliminary study in Wei Cide (2006: 135-154) has reconstructed twenty-two sets from fifty-three shells: he lists thirteen two-shell sets and nine three-shell sets.

39
Yao Xuan 2006: Appendix 2, 405-427. For other smaller chains of synchronies, see Li Xueqin 2004a, Yao Xuan 2006: Appendix 2, 383-405. Wei Cide 2006: 135-153, Han Jiangsu 2008, Song Zhenhao 2004, 2006a, and Adam D. Smith 2008. Adam D. Smith (pp. 287-300) provides the most critical evaluation of Yao’s table of synchronies and believes that the longest chain of divination records cited above “have been packed a little too densely within a span of 61 days.”

40
Song Zhenhao (2006b: 2) suggests 5-6 years. Based on the numerous records of illness to the main character, Huang Tianshu (2006: 149-156) believes the entire corpus could not have spanned only 1-2 years. In contrast, the oracle bone inscriptions from Pit YH 127 are believed to span no shorter than a decade and a half (Song Zhenhao 2006b: 1).

41
Takashima (2010: I.13-17) uses the term “contextual hierarchies”. I give two examples here. HYZ 9 and HYZ 234 originally were a two-shell set but the two plastrons were found disconnected in Pit H3. HYZ 9.3-4 is a sequence of two antithetical divinations dated to “the evening of Bingyin” that say, “[Unhappy] and upset with our lord” and “Happy and not upset with our lord.” HYZ 234.1-2 are two divinations dated to this same day and time and the first divination in the sequence has a background statement that “Our lord will have words in the ancestral temple”. Without locating the antecedent HYZ 234 the divinatory intent and contextual hierarchy of HYZ 9.2-3 is puzzling and can only be related to previous divinations (HYZ 9.1-2) on the topic of offering meat viands. A three-shell set example is HYZ 480.1↔286.18-19↔363.4. HYZ 286.18-19 needs to be connected to and read after the antecedent 480.1 in order to know the divination’s subject (the prince) and the context (why and where) behind making divinations about what types of jades would be presented to the king.

42
The technical term zhen 貞 “test” and the divination codas kan 衍 (侃) “happy” and ruo 若 “favorable” are perhaps the most important. See the commentaries to HYZ 2.2-3, 3.10, 5.7, and 6.1. The commentary to 6.1, in particular, notes how HYZ diviners applied and bundled ruo 若 + kan 侃as a binary coda that was highly effective (an 80% success rate (16/20 instances)). “Test divinations” occur much less frequently in this corpus than they do for instance in Wu Ding’s divination records, and their pattern of usage and systematic application is clear and easily discernible. The HYZ OBI confirm that: 1) divination was a multiple step process; and there were complexities and levels to it; and 2) there was a difference between divinations marked with the word zhen 貞and those without it. As a way to distinguish between the two at a high-level, I refer to divinations introduced by the word zhen as “test divinations” (in Chinese I coin the term zhen buci 貞卜辭) and to those without it as “non-test divinations (in Chinese I coin the term fei zhen buci 非貞卜辭).

43
Adam D. Smith 2008: 177, “Their contents were reported as including sherds of utilitarian pottery for the cooking, storage and consumption of food, bone artifacts, animal bones (including a number used for divination, but without inscription) and charcoal; see Kaogu 93.6: 488-490, ZSKY 2003: 14-17.

44
ZSKY 1980.

45
Shangshu “Wuyi” 尚書無逸 (Sun Xingyan 1936: 21.103). Chen Mengjia ([1956] 2004) cites the “Lu shijia” chapter of the Shiji that gives him 55 years.

46
David Keightley 1978: Table 38; Keightley states that his evidence for this absolute date is “based on the period I lunar eclipse inscriptions and on estimates of average reign length.”

47
Chang Yuzhi 2010.

48
For an overview of Lady Hao in Shang oracle bone inscriptions, see Han Jiangsu and Jiang Linchang 2010: 312-330.

49
Zhang Shichao 2006.

50
Huang Tianshu 2006, Zhao Peng 2007.

51
Chen Jian 2004.

52
In addition to the Huayuanzhuang East divination accounts cited in the table, I have located other records within the corpus that were related to war with Shao; see HYZ 429, HYZ 403.3, HYZ 247.8-9, and HYZ 262.2. For an attempt to synchronize divinations on the war against the Shao territory prior to the discovery of the Huayuanzhuang East oracle bones, see Xu Jinxiong 2001.27: 97-106.

53
Li diviner group oracle records are divided into two main types called Li diviner I and II. Each main type has several subtypes: Li diviner I is separated into two subtypes, and Li diviner II into at least three subtypes; for a proponent of a fourth, see Zhou Zhongbing 2011: 222-229. The main criteria for distinguishing between Li diviner I and II divinations is whether king Wu Ding is alive (Li I) or dead (Li II). “Father Yi” in Li diviner I divinations refers to Wu Ding’s deceased father, the 26th Shang king Xiao Yi. In Li diviner II inscriptions, Wu Ding has already died and is called “Father Ding” by his sons and successors Zu Geng and Zu Jia. Xiao Yi is then called “Ancestor (Grandfather) Yi”. For periodization issues of the Li diviner group divination records, see Li Xueqin 2016: 18-24, Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.92-139, Huang Tianshu [1991] 2007, and Li Xueqin and Peng Yushang 1996. See Wang Yunzhi (2010: 243-277) for an overview and reading selection.

54
Zi Hua 子畫, Trader Zhu 賈壴, and Wei 韋are the best examples. Zi Hua was a member of the royal family during the reigns of Wu Ding and Zu Geng, a major provider of goods, and an active participant in the war against the Shao territory. (Zi Hua in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations has a “friend” called Shao (416.1).) Divinations about the death and burial of Wei in these divinations and synchronizing them with divinations about him in late Wu Ding period divinations is a possible linchpin for dating the corpus; see Wei Cide 2006: 39-98. Trader Zhu was a trader for both the Huayuanzhuang East prince (102.1, 264.2) and Wu Ding (Heji 9650, TN 2438); see Han Jiangsu and Jiang Linchang 2010: 462-465.

55
For an excellent display of how this is done in Shang inscriptions, see Zhao Peng 2007: 198209, and Huang Tianshu 2006: 149-156. In Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, see Edward Shaughnessy 1991, 2012: 206-233.

56
Different totals adduced by scholars rest on interpretation. All scholars agree that there are at least seventy living people and more than 20+ ancestors. See Wei Cide 2006: 61-86, Zhao Peng 2007, 2010, Lin Yun 2007, Gu Yu’an 2009, and Wang Yunzhi 2010: 455. Zhao Peng only calculates names, and does not include appellations, titles, or ranks.

57
There is a prevalent misconception that the Huayuanzhuang divination workshop consisted of approximately twenty diviners (ZSKY 2003, Wang Yunzhi 2010: 453). This miscalculation has led to the formulation of historical inaccuracies concerning the status of its patron and his resources, and the false identity of a named “diviner-group”, when the daily divinatory staff was in effect a nameless group of specialists. The patron and head of the family did make his own divinations (count still to be calculated), and Jin 金 (four certain instances on four shells), Pou 剖 (two instances), Ya Dian 亞奠 (two instances on one shell), You You 由友 (three instances on two shells), the Blind Music Master 瞽 (one instance), and others made guest appearances. The inflated number of twenty diviners comes mainly from what I consider a misreading of a series of interrelated and abbreviated divination accounts on the three-shell set 205-349-441. (Section 2.10 in the Introduction, about divinations made for Jin, explains how I understand this type of shorthand; many of the so-called “diviners” were actually the subjects of divination.) Another indication that the high number of professional “daily” diviners in the Huayuanzhuang East divination workshop was not this large can be deduced through a comparison with the number of professional diviners in the other workshops at this time. Based on a study of diviner groups by Chen Mengjia (1956: 156205), the most prolific professional divination organization during Wu Ding’s reign, the Bin diviner group, consisted of fifteen core-member diviners (not including the king), and the following nine members were the most productive: Bin 賓, Ke 殼, Zheng 爭, Gen 亘, Wei 韋, Gu 古, Pin 品, Yong 永, and Nei 內. (Chen notes that membership to this workshop could be understood to have consisted of as many as 20+ diviners if including non-core and occasional members.) As for divination made for royal family members other than Wu Ding, the total number of diviners in the workshop that produced the Zi-group I (= “C type”; see Table 1) oracle bone accounts appears to have been just two (not including the patron of the workshop and head of the family): Yan 衍 and Hui (彗); see Shen Pei 2009: 111-113.

58
Lin Yun 1979, Zhu Fenghan 2004a: 39-60, Liu Yuan 2007, and Chen Guangyu 2009: 164-173.

59
Jiang Yubin 2006: 48.

60
Li Xueqin 2008: 60.

61
Adam D. Smith 2010: 3-5.

62
Takashima 2010: II.28.

63
Lin Yun 1979, Zhu Fenghan 2004a.

64
Compare the interchange of the terms Zi 子/Jun 君 “lord” in the Shang period bronze inscription Xiaozi Sheng you 小子省卣 (JC 5394).

65
Liu Yuan (2007: 307) calculates 124.

66
Zhu Fenghan 2004a.

67
Zhu Fenghan 2004b. Zhu’s starting point is the occurrence in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations of an ancestor called “Elder Brother Ding” 兄丁 (236.3-7). An ancestor called by this designation also occurs in Wu Ding’s divinations and for Zhu this implies the main character of the Huayuanzhuang East divinations and Wu Ding belonged to the same generation; he proposes they were cousins.

68
Li Xueqin 1998a; Han Jiangsu 2008.

69
Yao Xuan (2005: 40, note 1) questions the reading of “Father Bing”. If this reading were invalidated then there would be no instances of ancestors from the father-generation in these divination accounts.

70
See, for instance, the test divination (Heji 20975) by Wu Ding about the state of his own health in Figure 11. An example of a royal divination about the health of a non-royal person can be seen in the following divination by one of Wu Ding’s trusted diviners (Heji 3946rv) about a man called San Feng. The king’s prediction was complex in that he forecasted a date of departure, but also forecasted that if San Feng did not come it was because he had sickness and had not recovered.
戊寅卜， 貞：䨷其來。
貞：䨷不其來。
王占曰：鳳其出，惠丁。丁不出，鳳其有疾。弗其凡(興)。
At wuyin [15/60] day divination, Gu tested: San is expected to come.
(He) tested: San is not expected to come.
The king prognosticating says: As to Feng [of San], anticipating he will go out, make it be a ding day. If on day ding he does not go out, (then) Feng [of San] is anticipated to have sickness, [which] one shall not anticipate he will remove [i.e., from which he will not recover]. (Translation after Serruys 2010: 1.135-136)
The prognostication sentence Feng qi you ji 鳳其有疾 in this divination account is parallel with Wu Ding’s utterance Zi qi you ji 子其有疾 in HYZ 331.1. Predictive statements introduced solely by the word yue 曰 “said”, in the form “Name + yue” and without the technical term zhan 占 preceding it, are not infrequent in the Huayuanzhuang East divination records; see 60.7, 108.6, 125.1, 157.7-8, 267.2, 271.1, 490.9.

71
A sequence of similar communications is portrayed in the Zhou period literary text Cheng wu 程寤 (Awaking in Cheng) (Qinghua 1, strips 1-2; Li Xueqin 2017: 10). The story opens with King Wen’s queen, Tai Si, having a dream about their son, Fa (i.e., the future king Wu). Waking up startled, she immediately tells the king about it. The king “did not dare to predict” what the dream meant, and called for their son. Specialists then performed a complex series of rites designed to protect them and to ensure that the dream was auspicious.

72
Let us assume that word of Wu Ding’s prediction once reached San Feng in Heji 3946. Based on the divinatory form of Huayuanzhuang East 331, Feng’s diviner, or perhaps Feng himself, would have also divined to determine its truth. Assuming the divination first stated the context, it would have been to the effect of: “X [the king’s dispatch] said to Feng, ‘His Majesty said that you, Feng, will likely have sickness, and if so, be prepared not to recover immediately.’” The divination statement itself, made in response, could plausibly have been something like the prince’s. A notable feature of Huayuanzhuang divination practice was making divinations to test previous divination results and to validate the truth of other people’s statements and forecasts; see 410.2, 351.5, 257.20, and 59.2.

73
This would then be construed as: The Majestic Lady Mother said to our lord, His Highness said that our lord would likely have sickness. (Our lord/I) might really have (sickness).

74
See the translation and commentary of HYZ 155 and 156 (=155 verso) for more details. One HYZ divination account (HYZ 56) states that the prince was planning to make an exorcism rite for Ding to ancestors of the prince’s grandfather generation. These “grandfathers” were almost certainly the former kings Pan Geng and Xiao Xin. See Table 3.

75
Yao Xuan (2006: 40-55) first proposed the theory that the main character was Zi Rong in Wu Ding’s divinations. The following sections provide additional support and endorse this interpretation.

76
HYZ 39.21↔53.25-26↔ 450.1↔275.5↔501; Heji 21384 is a “Huayuanzhuang East type” oracle inscription found outside of Pit H3 and it can be synchronized into this set. Ban Gu’s Hanshu yiwenzhi lists a divination manual on sneezing and ear ringing called Various Predictions about Sneezing and Ear Ringing 嚏耳鳴雜占; see Li Ling 2013: 192.

77
Heji 22099 [Wu 午-diviner group] records an exorcism for ear ringing and the sacrifice of 158 sheep; see Yu Xingwu 2009:220.

78
The spirit Guizi is more commonly called Zi Gui 子癸. The appellation “Zi” means that this person died while still a juvenile. Gui, the last day of the ten-day week, was this ancestor’s temple-day. Child Gui was the only juvenile spirit in the HYZ ancestral cult (twelve instance in total; four instances on HYZ 409 and four instances on HYZ 181). I propose that he was a deceased child of the main character. Wei Cide (2006: 79-80) comes to the same conclusion. Section 2.10.

79
I follow the transcriptions in Yinxu jiagu keci moshi zongji, p. 91 and Yinxu jiagu keci leizuan, p. 109, and not the transcription in Zhongguo Guojia bowuguan guancang wenwu yanjiu congshu Jiagu juan 2007: 145 (the same as Jiaguwen heji shiwen) which reads one missing graph in between Ding (day 4/10) and the verb bu 卜 “divined”. The color photograph in Zhongguo Guojia bowuguan guancang wenwu yanjiu congshu Jiagu juan (2007: 16) makes it clear that no graph was missing.

80
I agree with Liu Yuan (2007) who reads this graph as 耳 “ear”. The top of the graph is visible in Figure 7.

81
The graph transcribed here is written in oracle bone script. Liu Yuan (2007) tentatively reads it as the ancestral form of yin 螾 ‘earthworm’(?); he thinks it means to worsen. I follow the reading of Wang Yunzhi (2010: 555) as luo , which apparently was a type of reptile. (Traditional definitions say “dragon”.) This graph ought to be a simplified form of the more pictographic (Heji 35255 [Li-diviner type]) and (Western Zhou Geng Ying you 庚赢卣). In the Geng Ying you 庚赢卣 bronze inscription this graph plus “cowrie” writes the word ying 贏 “profit, win”; see definitions in Axel Schuessler 2007: 575.

82
See David Keightley 1978: 41, fig. 12; 46, n. 90.

83
Sakikawa Takashi (2011: 292) refers to this more specifically as (Bin) “Transition 2 type 過濾2 類”. The orthographic type of handwriting referred to as “Bin” derives from the name Diviner Bin, who based on statistics was Wu Ding’s most prolific diviner. Oracle bone scholars refer to orthographies by diviner name because of the absence of named scribes. A “Bin type” inscription means the handwriting of a divination account either where Bin or another diviner in his “group 組” was the diviner.

84
This is the same diviner who made the divination about San Feng cited in footnotes 70 and 72. Diviner Ke was a diviner in the Diviner Bin 賓 group. (Serruys calls him “Gu”.)

85
The word ying 贏 does not occur in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations. These diviners did not use it in their divination practice.

86
For example, none of the examples of Bin I divinations collected in Huang Tianshu [1991] 2007 or Wang Yunzhi 2010: 166 include it. The mode of gradual abbreviation in the preface however is an attested habit of the Bin-group scribes.

87
Liu Yuan 2007.

88
Liu Yuan 2007.

89
Dong Zuobin (1933) once made the conceivable assertion that Zi Rong was a son of the direct line and the future king (K29) posthumously called Zu Jia 祖甲 “Ancestor Jia”. In the same vein, there is no reason not to at least entertain the possibility that Zi Rong could have been the future king (K28) posthumously called Zu Geng 祖庚 “Ancestor Geng” (Liu Yuan 2018: 96). Zu Geng and Zu Jia were two of Wu Ding’s sons.

90
Zhang Bingquan (1988: 301-350) has made the most comprehensive study of the correspondence between people’s names and place names. These statistics are from Song Zhenhao 2010: 442.

91
It is possible that the graph 子 in this inscription was intended to be read as two words: read up in combination with Ren 壬as Renzi 壬子, day 49/60; and read down as the subject, “our lord”. As such, yi Renzi 翌壬子 would then be, “upcoming Renzi (day 49/60).”

92
This place is written in several different ways, including , , and . The symbol * after “Fu” means the reading is uncertain. In transcription I use .

93
Divinations about Rong and Fu* occur on the same plastron (437), and although dates are missing it is still suggestive that these two locations were not far from one another. Fu* occurs with You (柚 = Xun 鄩) on another plastron (363), and Xun’s probable location in the vicinity of Wenxian, Henan provides a hint as to the location of Fu*. Wu Ding’s divination records imply that Fu* was no more than a three day journey to Gu 雇 (滬) (Heji 24347), and based on Eastern Zhou sources oracle bone scholars often propose that Gu was located in the area of Xingyang, Henan 滎陽 (northwest of Zhengzhou). The section below on the location of Rong discusses Huayuanzhuang East geography in more detail.

94
Although missing locative clauses, I am assuming here that verb phrases in other divinations about construction work like “build ancestral temple 作宗” (292) and “build guesthouse 作官(館)” (113) were also related to the relocation and building program in Rong. 292, for example, mentions using the same item (紤) given to Lady Hao as a gift upon her arrival in Rong (37↔63↔195),
其乍(作)宗惠大紤 二
When building the ancestral temple, it should be a large number of tapestries. 2
437 also mentions “continuing to completion” and “tapestries” and is dated Gengshen (day 47/60). It is likely that this record should be synchronized into the timeline. 416.12, dated Jiawu (day 31/60), is a divination about completing the construction of “Rong’s guesthouse”.

95
Yin-Zhou jinwen jicheng shiwen 4: 380.

96
Li Xueqin 1999. The bronzes Li refers to are inscribed (Rong 戎) and not , which is the only way this place in the Huayuanzhuang East records was ever written. Li suggests the two graphs were variants and I agree with him, although both graphs do occur in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations. occurs once and means “warrior” (HYZ 38); most frequently occurs as a place name, but it also occurs once as a verb and presumably meant to strike or battle (HYZ 116). Obviously we have to allow for the possibility that these two graphs wrote different words, and this would then mean that bronzes inscribed are not related at all to the place , and that did not write the word rong 戎. We also have to allow for the possibility that inscribed on bronzes was not, in every instance, a name but meant something else, like “warrior”.

97
Yu Xingwu 1979: 133.

98
See GuLin bubian #3182: 783-785 and the commentary to HYZ 252 for the reading of Ge.

99
Li Xueqin 1998: 91.

100
The area spans between Qinyang city 沁陽市in northwestern Henan, and Qinyang county 沁陽縣in southwestern Shanxi. HYZ 85 records a divination about plans to build a tower here.

101
See Table 2; HYZ 429, HYZ 403.3, HYZ 247.8-9, and HYZ 262.2.

102
Shirakawa Shizuka 1955; Lin and Sun 2010: 93.

103
See the commentary to HYZ 36.

104
See the commentary to HYZ 312, 53 and 26.

105
“Shang”, meaning the Shang territory (royal domain), occurs four times in the Huayuanzhuang East accounts. Two of these instances mention to “enter Shang 入商”. Aside from HYZ 36, the other occurrence is 176, which has a postface that the prince was at . I read as Lu 鹿 and agree with Li Ling (ShangBo 2 commentary (2002: 286)) that it was northeast of Mt. Song 嵩山.

106
Both Serruys (1986: 213) and Takashima (2010: I.124) (for Bingbian 22.5-6) give “instruct”. Yang Shengnan (1982: 381) defines it as “to train”. Keightley (2012: 348) translates it “instruct, learn”. HYZ 473.1 has the phrase xue Qiang 學羌 “instruct Qiang”.

107
Specifically as the invocator at sacrificial rites to near ancestors and in performing exorcism rites (most notably for his father the king (HYZ 56)).

108
Zhu Qixiang 2006, Cao Dingyun 2006.

109
K.C. Chang 1980: 168.

110
Ban Gu, Baihutong 白虎通 (Discussions at the White Tiger Pavilion), “Xing ming 姓名”: “The Yin people named children according to their birth days”; cited in K.C. Chang 1980:169, n. 30.

111
Dong Zuobin 1945.

112
K.C. Chang 1980: 165-189.

113
For critical reviews of Chang’s theory, see Zhao Cheng 2006 and Qiu Xigui 2013.

114
See the Father Ding Mother Ding dagger 父丁母丁戈in the Shouyangzhai collection (Li Xueqin 2010: 13-16).

115
K.C. Chang 1980: 177.

116
Li Xueqin 2008:60.

117
See Heji 23712, 23718, 23719, 22559.

118
Qiu Xigui [2005] 2012: 1.516-523; Shima Kunio [1958] 2006.

119
Luo Kun 2010: 67-72.

120
The parameters of which recipients could receive di-sacrifice in oracle bone inscriptions are not clearly defined. In Western Zhou bronze inscriptions recipients could be multiple near ancestors of the trunk lineage (father and grandfather).

121
Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.126, and Song Zhenhao 2010: 450.

122
Chen Jian 2004, Yao Xuan 2005: 21, Zhang Yongshan 2006, and Song Huaqiang 2009.

123
Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.521.

124
Da Dai Liji 大戴禮記, “Gao zhi” 誥志 (Wang Pinzhen 1983: 183).

125
Liji 禮記, “Qu li xia” 曲禮下 (Ruan Yuan 1980: 1260).

126
Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.521.

127
Heji 35931.

128
Yin Zhou jinwen jicheng 4129: “皇祖啻考”; Yin Zhou jinwen jicheng 4038; Wenwu 1997.12: 31.

129
A recently discovered early Western Zhou bronze inscription called Yinggong ding 應公鼎contains the ancestor designation Wu di ri ding 武帝日丁 and refers to King Wu, heir of the trunk line, day name Ding; see Li Xueqin 2010.

130
Adam D. Smith 2008: 208-209. See Jiagu wenzi gulin #1132-1135 and #1070 (an allograph of #1135).

131
Song Huaqiang 2009: 134.

132
Liu Yuan 2009: 131-160.

133
Li Xueqin 2004b.

134
Tang Lan 1981.

135
Ye Yusen 1934. For ding 定/顁, see the Shijing (Book of Odes) poem “Feet of the Unicorn” (Lin zhi zhi 麟之趾; Mao #11): 麟之定，振振公姓。“The forehead of the lin! You majestic kinsmen of the prince!” (Karlgren 1950: 7).

136
Peter Boodberg (1937): “The dot on top of 大in the old graphs for 天...is, in our belief, ‘phonetic-etymonic’ and stands for the archaic word now represented by dian 顛 ‘forehead,’ ‘top,’ the –ng variant of which is reflected in ding 頂 ‘top or crown of the head’< tieng 丁.”

137
Wang Yunzhi 2012: 140-147.

138
Yu Xingwu [1979] 2009: 439-441.

139
Zhang Yachu 2001: 11. The first form is composed of two hands, depicting an opening motion, plus pen/womb; the second form adds 丁 inside of the womb. Mian 娩 in Warring States script was written (Guodian Ziyi, strip 24), (Guodian, Liude, strip 28), and (Baoshan, strip 175). By this time in the evolution of the script the head of the child evolved into the entire child 子, the “womb” was abbreviated or changed in shape, and the two hands were omitted.

140
For instance, 釘was used to write ding 頂as late as the Western Han; see the Yijing’s hexagram text Da guo 大過 “Great Surpassing” from Mawangdui. Wen Yiduo (2016: 495) notes that the graph ding 丁was used to write the word tian 天in the Han period Yijing weft text Qian Kun zao du 乾坤鑿度 (Boring the degrees of Qian and Kun). Wen ingeniously proposed that ding was not a phonetic loan for tian but rather an abbreviated and simplified way of spelling it.

141
The Erya associates a fish’s intestines to Yi and a fish’s tail to Bing. In ancient script Yi 乙was written and resembles the shape of the intestines, while Bing 丙 was written and resembles the shape of the tail.

142
Qiu Xigui [1983] 2012: 1.196. This lineage name originated with the Shang minister Huang Yi, also called Yi Yin.

143
Heji 3255r reads, 貞：呼黃多子出牛, 有于黃尹 “Tested: Call Huang’s Many Family Heads to let out cattle, to have for (or: to make offerings to) Huang Yin.” I already mentioned that there was a collective group of people called Yong duo zi 雝多子 “Yong’s Many Family Heads” in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations.

144
The issue is more complicated than this. Oracle bone inscriptions also mention “Ding gate 丁門” (Heji 13602), “Yi gate 乙門” (Heji 13598-13600) and “Jia (gate) 甲(門)” (Heji 13598, 13602), and this implies that these tiangan words were either the temple days of ancestors or functioned like numbers (1, 2, 3, etc). Yet another alternative interpretation is that wrote beng 祊.

145
For a usage designating the Head of a group of field workers during the Western Zhou period, see the inscription Ji Ji fangzun 季姬方尊 (Wenwu 2003.9), and the comments of Li Xueqin 2003. It is only starting with Western Zhou bronze inscriptions and in literature that putatively dates to this historical period that a word spelled with the graph zheng 正had the meaning of “leader, director”. Zheng 正is the ancestral form of zheng 征 “march to regulate, march to correct > correct; appropriate”. Shang language in the period after Wu Ding’s reign (i.e., period II OBI) first used zheng in the phrase zheng yue 正月, the “regulating month,” which was another name for the “first month” (yi yue 一月); see Keightley 2012: 360-361, and GuLin, no. 0821.

146
Edward L. Shaughnessy 2007: 845-877.

147
Of these six instances, three are recorded on the same shell surface (HYZ 5.2, 4-5). The other instances are 220.6, 379.1 and 441.2. The phrase Ge pei 戓配(妃) occurs on HYZ 41.1, and as I understand it, it referred to Ge’s spouse; for Ge, or Zhi Bo Ge 沚伯戓, see Table 2. For the meaning of the word 配(妃) in Shang oracle bone inscriptions as “spouse”, see Zhao Lin 2018: 129-130, and the commentaries to HYZ 5 and HYZ 139.1.

148
Lin Yin 2007.

149
As listed in Appendix I, 55 and 247 were also in use for divinations about other issues. These two shells, which formed a small two-shell set for divinations about Jin, were also part of a larger four-shell set including 255 and 352 for divinations made on day Jichou, two days after Dinghai, about sacrifice and an exorcism performed by the riverside.

150
See the “Pin li 聘禮” chapter of the Yili 儀禮and Zheng Xuan’s 鄭玄(127-200) commentary; see also Wei Cide 2006: 157.

151
Based on Lin Yun 2007 and Zhao Peng 2007. This list does not include names on administrative receipts (except for Liu) and does not include lineage or place names that modified commodities (for instance “Xun’s cattle 旬牛” (474.9), “Mang’s pigs 亡豕” (313.2, 324.3) and “Bing’s bows 弓” (37.16-17)). For a listing and discussion of Huayuanzhuang East administrative receipts, see Liu Yiman and Cao Dingyun 2004, and Sun Yabing 2014: 273-276.

152 It is uncertain if these four names were lineage or personal names. It is also uncertain if they were part of Zi Rong’s daily staff and entourage, if they were traders/appraisers, or if they were business associates who dealt in the horse trade. Shao, for one, might be the same person who was called “Lord Hua’s aide”, and might have been from the (enemy) Shao territory. Huo appears elsewhere reporting about the prince losing his eyesight.

153
Lin Yun (2007) suggests that Ya Dian and Archer-lord Dian referred to the same person who held different administrative positions over time. The alternative of course is that it was two different people from the same lineage or place.

154
75.9 implies Zhong Zhou became one of the protagonist’s servitors during the period of time these divinations were made.

155
is written ce/shan 册 “bound writing slips” over kou 口 “mouth”. “Mouth” either signifies a container or pit (then as a combined meaning), or it is a symbol indicating the word is different from but a characteristic of 册, that is, what writing slips were used for: to write on, and by extension, to record information and to make announcements. This word usually occurs in divinations about performing exorcism/protection rites. Jao Tsung-I (1959: 139) defines it, 謂記牲數於册，獻告於神也 “It means to record the quantity of sacrificial animals on writing slips as an offering announcement to the spirits.” Yu Xingwu (1979), on the other hand, reads it as a phonetic loan for kan 砍 “to chop”. In English translation, Serruys (1974: 55 and [1982] 2001: 18.198c) translates “to announce by written record [sacrifices of X to Y]” and “to put (something) on record; a promise of sacrifices to be offered”, and Keightley (2000: 29-30, note 44) translates it as “pledge”. The “registering” of Qiang captives on HYZ 215 confirms that one function was to register a quantity of animate things. 215 further confirms: 1) this word occurs outside of the context of exorcism rites; 2) it is unnecessary to read it as a phonetic loan for another word. The meaning of this word on 215 and its meaning in exorcism/protection rites were unquestionably the same. The highest count of animals recorded in the HYZ OBI is 105 cattle (HYZ 32). The Shuowen jiezi lists a word spelled 册over 曰and defines it as gao 告 “announce; report”; while this is basically correct, it can be further refined. 149.4 contains both the words 告and , and this implies that they were two different kinds of announcements: the first oral and the latter written. The phrase ce meng 夢 “announce a dream by written record” occurs on 29.1 and 289.6. This implies included more than just a list of sacrifices to be offered. It could also include information about why an exorcism was needed.

156
Qi 其 is a pictograph of a “basket” and the ancestral form of qi 箕. Shang scribes used this graph as a rebus to write a modal adverb. Classical commentary often glosses it as jiang 將, which is an adverb marking anticipated future action; see Zhang Yujin 2002: 51. Keightley (1999) explains it: “The modal particle qi 其, which appears in a large number of oracle bone inscriptions, expressed uncertain expectancy; its precise meaning—which was related to the core meaning of expectation (qi 期) in its senses of volition, future hope, and future uncertainty—varied with the divination environment.” Serruys (1974) discovered that in two contrastive sentences (an antithetical pair) of which one is affirmative and the other is negative, the one with qi marked the undesirable evenint or action. Serruys (1982; cited in Takashima 2010: II.13) summarized his understanding as, “to reconcile the use of qi marking the undesirable event or action, and the later use of qi for an optative (‘the hoped for and desired’), one can only assume a stage or context where qi expresses a more ambiguous and uncommitted outlook as far as the future outcome is concerned, expressed in verbs such as f.i. ‘to anticipate’, which according to circumstance can be shifted to a pejorative aspect: ‘be prepared for, be ready for’ (something undesirable and dreaded), but also in the course of the development of the language into the other direction, ‘anticipate’ in the sense of ‘hope for’…qi in certain conditions seems to denote a sense or uncertainty, unconcern or equal possibility, or even implying a marked probability.”

157
Yu Xingwu (2009: 276) reads the verb li 立as the ancestral form of li 蒞, and defines it as linli 臨蒞 “supervise; attend”. I read it as the ancestral form of wei 位 “to take position, stand” (see Tunnan 341). Oracle bone inscriptions have the grammatical construction “以...立...” (Lead A and position (them) at B). See HYZ 50.1-2 and 312.3.

158
See Song Zhenhao (2010: 309-347) for a discussion of Shang roads. It is also possible to read 行as a verb, “to march”; see 211.1-2: 告行 “report the march” and 401.12: 呼行 “call out to march”.

159
弜 is an adverbial negative equal to wu 勿 (Serruys 1974: 37).

160
Mao 卯most commonly occurs in divinations about sacrificial rites for ancestor worship. Its graphic form appears to depict two pieces of meat on the bone separated into two equal halves (Schuessler 2006: 362). Wang Guowei ([1917], cited in Jishi 14.4343) reads it as a phonetic loan for liu 劉 “kill”. It occurs, in a divination that is unrelated to sacrifice (it is about working with jade), as a compound verb in combination with fen 分 “to divide” (HYZ 391), and this confirms once and for all that the meaning of 卯 in a sacrificial context also meant to divide and cut apart. In these types of divinations I translate it as “butcher”, which in English has a derived meaning of to cut apart (< to halve and quarter). For Mao/Liu as a lineage name, see HYZ 23 and commentary.

161
: This place was an important and strategic location. HYZ scribes wrote it in three ways: 1) with three “mouth” elements + whole deer with antlers lu 鹿; 2) in the abbreviated form (176), which reduced the whole deer to just the eye with antlers; 3) whole deer with antlers and without any “mouth” elements (196.6). Wu Ding’s scribes wrote it as deer head with antlers and only two mouths (HJ 32979 [Li 歷]), and deer head with antlers and without any “mouths” (HJ 8219 [Bin 賓]); see Xin Jiaguwen bian 544, 547, 548, and HJ 5129, HJ 8219, HJ 8229, HJ 32979, HJ 33053, and HJ 33103. I propose to read all of these allographs as being equivalent to Lu (鹿) “Deer”, which was the site of a royal settlement built during Wu Ding’s reign (HJ 13505 [Bin 賓]) and likely located southwest of the Shang capital (Anyang, Henan)—an eight day journey at the most; see Li Xueqin 1985-1992: 161-166, and HJ 7814rv. Zheng Jiexiang (1994: 73-75) locates it in the area of modern day Xiuwu, Henan 河南修武. A place called “Deer” (鹿) occurs in the Warring States manuscript Rongcheng shi 容成氏 (ShangBo 2) as one of the Nine Kingdoms (strips 45-47) appeased by the future Zhou king Wen 文王, who at that time was still serving the last Shang ruler. Li Ling (ShangBo 2 commentary 2002: 286) locates it to the northeast of Mt. Song, Henan. HYZ 176 provides evidence that was close to Shang 商, but it is unclear whether this “Shang” refers to the temple-palace complex at Anyang or to the Shang royal domain as a whole. Activities at this place included sacrificial ancestor rites, archery, commands to high-ranking officials and servitors concerning contributions to the king and the procurement of goods. It also seems to have been a depot for the prince’s horse trade.

162
Ruo (若) depicts a kneeling figure with both hands raised in the air by his head. It commonly occurs as a divination coda, and when it does I follow the Erya’s 爾雅definition as “favorable” (shun 順; synonymous with hui 惠) or “good” (shan 善; synonymous with ling 令(＝ling 靈), jia 嘉, and cang 臧). Sun Yirang ([1917], cited in Jishi 6.2056) understands this usage as being synonomous with ji 吉 “auspicious, favorable, good”; see HYZ 3.2 commentary. (The Erya, “Shi gu 釋詁”, also lists xiang 祥 “auspicious” and ruo 若as synonyms.)
若was the most frequently used divination coda in HYZ divinations, the coda being the answer that diviners wanted to get. There are 124 instances on 74 pieces, and the phrase “wang bu ruo 亡不若” in divination statements like 子亡不若 “Our lord will not have anything unfavorable” (113.23) and 季母亡不若 “Jimu will not have anything unfavorable” (139.1) implies that it meant “good”. Rain is judged to be 若 (103.6), and this presumably meant that it was a good thing. A divination (331.2) made in response to whether the prince would fall ill wanted to know if sleeping as a remedy would be ruo, “good”. Reading the coda 若 in a divination like 331 as meaning anything other than “good” or “favorable” (for the subject) seems inaccurate; see Qiu Xigui [1973] 2012: 5.8. Occasionally, however, and like it does in divinations for the Shang kings, this word has the sense of “agreeable” or “approve”; it occurs in 401.12 about whether or not a group of people would comply with a kingly command. It is also used as a noun (you ruo 有若) and opposite the verb zuo 左 “contrary” in a divination about the effect of a prayer (361.1). See the commentary to 6.1.

163
于之若is comparable in form to the coda yu zhi li 于之力(jia 嘉) “in that will be excellent/auspicious” (196.2-3). (Ruo 若 and 力 are the only two words ever used in this formula.) As it does in this divination, the phrase often occurs as the alternative second option in an antithetical pair and was expressed in the negative mode. “That” is a demonstrative pronoun that indexes the alternative of “not shooting”. An alternative reading is reflected in the transcriptions of the ZSKY Editors and Zhu Qixiang (2006) who take 之as an object pronoun that refers to the toponym recorded in the preface, and parse it 子勿射于之, 若 “Our lord ought not shoot in that (place), (for it) will be favorable”. Statistics are against this interpretation, as only 2 /11 instances in which this phrase occurs contain a place name in a previous clause.

164
You (友) is a pictograph of two right hands, and its combined meaning is “assist” (verb) and “friend” or “aide” (noun); see 21.1 and 416.1. Here the word likely refers to the person otherwise called by the name You You 由友. The name 由友is also written 由又. (又 (single right hand) and 友 (doubled right hand) were interchangeable in early script.) See 300. This divination account includes the name of the diviner, the verb zhen “test”, and the subject of the divination. The divination utterance has been omitted; see Section 2.10 in the Introduction for a fuller explanation. You You and Jin occur together elsewhere (455.3).

165
Zhen 貞is etymologically related to words that mean “right course of action, correct” zheng 正, “to fix in place” ding 定, “directly facing” dang 當, and “authenticate” zheng 證 (Serruys 1974, Jao Tsung-I 1959: 70-71). In Shang divination records and in non-divinatory documents, the word zhen carried with it a seal of authority (Schwartz 2016, David Nivison 2018: 17-21). For the definition of this word as “test”, see Paul Serruys 1974 and David Nivison 1989. Footnote 20 summarizes how the HYZ diviners used “test divinations” in their practice.

166
is a phonograph composed with the classifier fire 火 + the phonetic jin 今. Huang Tianshu (2006: 452) reads it as a variant spelling of jin 金 “metal”; see 314 and HJ 23573.

167
This same four-word divination account occurs again on 152. Perhaps these two pieces were originally a set. This type of abbreviated divination acccount occurs elsewhere and most notably in the form “test 貞＋subject’s name”; see the three-shell set 441-349-205. What differs here is the addition of a diviner’s name before 貞. Based on the two-shell set 78-464, which reads: 貞 “Tested: Xian” (78) ║貞不死 “Tested: Xian is not going to die” (464), I propose that abbreviated divination accounts like the two above about Zi Jin likely concerned whether or not something bad would happen to him. For some reason Huayuanzhuang East scribes often abbreviated divinations about Zi Jin. 55.1-2 is another instance, and placing it back into a set with 247 reveals the kind of language that was likely omitted. This seemingly apotropaic and elliptical form for divinations that concerned the well-being of family members occurs elsewhere in Shang oracle bone scribal practice; see HJ 22258 and Jiang Yubin 2006:48. See too footnote 20.

168
The reading of this graph and what word it intended to write are uncertain; see Zhao Peng 2007: 295.

169
Reading this graph as you 由follows Chen Jian 2010. Huayuanzhuang East diviners used this word opposite kan 衍(侃) “happy”; see 9.3-4. I follow Yao Xuan (2006: 177) who reads it here a loan for chou 怞or zhou 妯 “sad”. The verb phrase 有由(怞)女 is comparable to 告人亡由(怞)于丁 “Report to His Highness that men are not unhappy” (494). It is significant that reports about women were made to Lady Hao, and reports about men were made to the king.

170
( ) is an early writing of yu 虞 (Yao Xuan 2006: 171-181). It occurs twenty one times on thirteen plastrons. The Xici zhuan 系辭傳defines it in combination with you 憂 “worry, upset” as “regret and distress”, and says 悔吝者, 憂虞之象 “Regret and distress are images of (being) worried and upset”. In 255.8, it occurs opposite the word kan 衍(侃) “happy”: 戊寅卜：舟嚨告，丁弗(虞)，衍(侃) “Zhou Long reports You’s (jade delivery). His Highness is not going to be upset, (but) happy about it”. In 300.1-2, it occurs opposite the more general term ji 吉 “auspicious; good”. The Warring States literary manuscript Yin zhi 尹至 (Yin’s Arrival) has a later example of 吉 as meaning “good” 善: 湯曰: “格，汝其有吉志” (Tang said (to Yi Yin), “Come forth! You ought to have good intentions (or: a good report)” (Qinghua 1, strip 1).

171
Sui (歲) is the ancestral form of gui 劌 “stab, cut”; see Jishi 2.490, citing Tang Lan. Wu Qichang ([1938] 2008: 23-34) explains that sui is a pictograph of an axe, makes a connection with its cognate yue 鉞 “axe”, and proposes its verbal usage meant to cut or kill with an axe. Yu Xingwu (2009: 67-68) provides examples of the model-image behind the graph’s pictographic form. David Keightley (2012: 339) translates this word into English as “cut” and concludes, “In ritual contexts, the Shang word refers to the cutting or chopping up of sacrificial victims.” That this word was a kind of cutting procedure can now be verified by the verb + direct object clause sui/gui zhen 歲(劌)裖(脤) “chop-cut raw meat” (HYZ 496.1). In Huayuanzhuang East sacrificial rites gui is paired with guan 祼 “libate ale” (HYZ 318), and these two procedures appear to have formed the basic composition of weekly ancestor worship. In summary, a minimal definition of 歲word means “chop-cut”, but it within the language of performing sacrificial rites for ancestor worship it seems to have referred specifically to the “ritual cut” or “sacrificial cut”. As a procedure it followed sha 殺 “kill”, which was likely the cut that stunned or rendered the sacrificial animal lifeless and unable to move.

172
Guo (馘) is a pictograph of the “scalp” (Lin Yun 1998: 148). The identification is mainly based on the early Western Zhou bronze inscription Da Yu ding 大盂鼎which spells the adverb huo 或 as + 或 (=馘). In the HYZ OBI it is a person’s name. Guo occurs on a total of four shells: here, 181, 273, and on 409. A rule of coherency recommends they all originally formed a set. 273 reveals the ailment was an injury suffered from a fall.

173
( ) is a compound pictograph that either writes the word miu 繆 “twist, wring” or niu 扭／紐 “twist, tie”. HYZ script uses it as a phonetic loan to write the word chou 瘳 “recover, heal, be cured”; see Yao Xuan 2012, cited in GuLin bubian, 852-855. A variant spelling (44.1) adds the phonetic zhou 帚; yet another Shang scribal variant adds the phonetic you 卣 (HJ 9019v, HJ 9284) and not 帚. On 241.11, it occurs opposite of “die” (si 死). Outside of divinations about illness and injury, this same graph was also used as an adjective modifying jade tablets (286.18); in this instance, it was used as a phonetic loan to write the word jiao 皎 “shiny and white”.

174
It is immediately striking that only 125/2452 individual divination accounts (5%) on seventy-six surfaces (15%) either directly record or can be “covered by” the technical term zhen 貞 “test, certify”. The stark minimalism of these hard statistics indicates an enormous disparity with divinations produced by Anyang-based diviner groups working for the Shang kings where it is recorded with a mesmerizing regularity. The regulated and limited usage of divinations introduced by this word in the HYZ OBI indicates a fundamental difference between divination for the Shang kings and divinations for other people, including members of the royal family. A corpus-based approach to these divination accounts detects a refined and complex multi-step divinatory practice at work; there were levels to it. There was a difference between divinations introduced by the word zhen and those without it. I reject the hypothesis that a divination account without the word zhen in the preface should be understood and read as though it were there (Jao Tsung-I 1959: 70). It is also inaccurate to refer to all divination statements in the HYZ corpus as zhenci 貞辭 “test statements” (Li Xueqin 2006: 198), since statistically such a low percentage actually were.
Introducing a divination statement in HYZ divination practice with zhen “test” had two main applications: 1) to verify the results of an earlier divination (446.15-21, 181.31-35, 123 + Jiyi 561, 446.8, and 61); and 2) to find out the right course of action as it concerned mortality, health, and well-being. 56/125 (45%) instances of “test” divinations were of this second type, and amongst these, 44/56 (79%) of divinations specifically inquired into whether or not an animate subject (human/animal) would die or have something bad or calamitous happen (examples are 53.25, 241.11, and 321.5). 64/125 (51%) of test divinations were in an abbreviated shorthand and only recorded the word zhen and the name of a person. There is debate about the orientation of this set of inscriptions and whether they should be read “zhen + name”, or in the reverse as “name + zhen”. Test divinations about the person called Xian in the two-shell set 78.2-3 and 464.1-2 strongly suggest that “zhen + name” is the more accurate reading, at least for those names that occur in the three-shell set 441-349-205 (previously mentioned in footnote 13). 21 Jao Tsung-I (2005: 21) reads wang 往as “to direct” (≈向), as in direct a prayer to the deity Dark Bird so that Er (he reads guo 馘as er 而) would not die.

175
: I follow Jao Tsung-I (2005: 21) who reads this graph as a ligature that writes xuan niao 玄鳥 “Dark Bird”. An alternative reading is that it is a phonograph with either xuan (from 玄) or zi/ci (from 絲) as the phonetic component. Dark Bird 玄鳥 was the anthropomorphic progenitor of the Shang people. The Shijing (Mao 303) poem “Dark Bird” 玄鳥says, 天命玄鳥降而生商， 宅殷土芒芒 “Heaven commanded Dark Bird to descend and engender Shang, to reside in Yin land vast and far-reaching”. Jao suggests the dark bird was a swallow (yanzi 燕子) and that the central area of its cult following was in southwest Shanxi (modern day Anyi, Shanxi 山西安邑). This localization accords with the numerous Huayuanzhuang East divination account which appear to record the prince just east of this area, in and around modern day Qinyang, Henan 河南沁陽.

176
Considering the fact that this divination was made on the same day as the one preceding it, it seems likely that 弗艱refers to 疾 “sickness”; Yao Xuan’s commentary to this inscription suggests to read it in the context of 446: 子弗艱目疾 “Our lord will not be afflicted (with) eye sickness”.

177
I read xiu Ding 休丁as though the preposition yu 于has been omitted; the phrase xiu yu Ding 休于丁occurs on 53.8; 409.29-31 and 181.1-2 are parallel divinations and these three shells originally formed a set.

178
: Based on a comparison with the parallel phrase hu shi 呼食 “call to eat” on 35 and 286, the graph gui 簋 “tureen” here and on 14 and 16 should be read shi 食 (Shen Pei 2006a).HYZ scribes wrote the phrase 呼食as a ligature. Yu ji hu shi 于既呼食 “Upon finishing the call to eat” has a lexical converse yu zuo hu shi 于作呼食 “Upon starting the call to eat...” (16).

179
Shi 室is variously defined as a room, house, residence, and hall. It was likely a multifunctional space that was used to dwell, handle affairs (as an “office”), eat, and perform ritual and sacrificial events. Oracle bone inscriptions add directional modifiers such as 南室 “southern” (HJ 806), 中室 “central” (HJ 27884), and 東室 “eastern” (HJ 13556v); see Song Zhenhao 2010: 36-37.

180
: I suspect this graph is a ligature that spells ji shen 疾身 “sick body”; Qiu Xigui ([1972] 2012: 1.11) cites HJ 13668r: 貞禦疾身于父乙 “Tested: Perform exorcism rite for the sick body to Father Yi.” Xin Jiaguwen bian 431 lists it as a variant form of han 寒 “cold” (see GuLin bubian, 755-757) ). If applied here, the divination would be translated, “If residing in the northern room, there will be no coldness (or: no one will be cold).”

181
As I understand it, Jiayin was the day of the sacrifice and not the day of the divination, although the two need not have been mutually exclusive. Divinations that start in the forms “date + sui 歲” and “date + yi 宜”, with sui/yi as predicate verbs, rarely included the word bu “divined” in between the date and the verb. See 132.1-3. Divinations in this complex form, that is with multiple independent clauses, are common, and it is important to note that modal qi 其never occurs, unlike as it does in front of the word yu 禦 “exorcise, defend”, in divinations about performing sacrifice. This implies that there was no subordination or dependency in the initial clause and that the clauses were equal. These types of divinations were proposing a ritual package.

182
You chang 鬯: The verb , composed of an altar classifier and right hand, only ever takes 鬯 as its object. The verb phrase you chang 又鬯 also occurs, but it does not occur in the same divination formula that 鬯 usually occurs in, that is, in a ritual package with sacrifice, and often including prayer or announcements and a cereal offering; compare 392.1; see too 276.2,4, 354.3-4 and 149.10 for a clear distinction between the two. In a majority of the instances, I read 又鬯 either as verb + object “add (> have 有) aromatic ale” , or as conjunction + object “and aromatic ale”. Chang 鬯is usually quantified but never occurs with a measure word, whereas in divinations for the Shang kings, bronze inscriptions, and in received literature it is commonly measured with you 卣 “bucket” and sheng 升. It appears that 鬯 measured itself; Karlgren (GSR 719a) says “the graph is a drawing of a bowl”.

183
Parallel syntax (416) recommends that the graph 簋 “tureen” is an abbreviated writing of deng 登 “to raise” (Shen Pei 2006a). Other Shang scribal practices wrote 登with two hands underneath 簋 which depicts a “raising” (> offering) action. Chen Mengjia (rpt. 2004: 529) suggests that the offering of grain referred to taking newly harvested grain and first presenting it to the ancestors in the temple for them to try; Zhu Fenghan (2002: 89-94) agrees.

184
The prepositional phrase zi xi ji [登]自西祭is parallel to [登]自丁黍 “glutinous millet from His Highness” (48 and 416). This makes it clear that 祭is a noun and that the directional word 西 is where the sacrificial items originated. The reading of 祭as referring to “sacrificial items” broadly defined, is after Chen Jian 2004. An alternative reading is to take 祭as the ancestral form of ji 穄 “a kind of millet” (Panicum miliaceum, not glutinous). The reason is because in this corpus the direct object of deng 登, aside from 祭, is always a grain type, with the most common being shu 黍 “glutinous millet”. The Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳, Chapter 2, has the following passage: “On Xinsi (day 18), we entered into the Caonu people’s games, and they feasted the Son of Heaven on the bank of the Yang River (洋水), and then contributed 900 feed horses (shi ma 食馬), 7000 cattle and sheep, and 100 cartloads of grain (ji mi 穄米).” Wei Cide (2006: 154-155) makes the connection between divinations in this formula with a grain-offering rite (zi 粢) recorded in Pre-Qin received literature.

185
Zhang Shichao (2008a) determines that the word yan 延is related to the offering list, because the items offered to Ancestor Jia on his fixed day of worship in divination account (1) are the same as those offered to Ancestor Yi a day later. That no ancestor ever was ever recorded “continuing 延” on Ancestor Jia’s day presumably had to do both with the fact that his cult day was the first day of the week, and that he was the most senior amongst his brothers. In Zhang’s interpretation this notation means that what was offered for one ancestor was continued exactly the same way for another later in and during the same week. Based mainly on 363.3, Sun Yabing (2014: 115-16) suggests reading these sentences as notations about what actually took place . Either way, this sentence does not seem to be the focus of the divination. Rather it appears to be documenting ritual procedures. I see a comparison in this HYZ divination formula with Tunnan 738: 陽甲事其延般庚、小辛，王受又(佑)。吉。║弜(勿)延 “If Yang Jia’s service (=what we did and offered him) is continued (for) Pan Geng (and) Xiao Xin, His Majesty will receive blessings. Auspicious. ║ Do not continue (it).” See too 311 and 237.11: 歲延祖乙 “Sacrifices will continue (for) Ancestor Yi”.

186
Reading 戠as a phonetic loan for dai 待follows Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.160-166. This word commonly occurs as the first word in the second divination of a paired statement and in the one phrased in the negative mode (26.3-4 and 157.1-2).

187
Lin Yun (2007) and Zhao Peng (2007: 295) both think Pei 配is a person’s name, and this is certainly possible. I propose to read it as a loan for fei 妃 “wife”; Gao Heng’s (2010: 338) Yijing commentary to the initial line statement of hexagram Feng 豊 “Abundant”: “yu qi peizhu 遇其配主”, says, 配讀為妃，妃猶妻 “Pei 配should be read as fei 妃; fei 妃is just like qi 妻 ‘wife’”. 配occurs in Shang OBI meaning “wife”, for instance Yingcang 1864: 庚寅卜，王：余燎于其配 “Crack making on the gengyin day [27], His Majesty [tested]: I will make a burnt offering to his consort.” (Translated by Takashima 2010: II.53.) The compound noun “zi Pei” is comparable to Ge pei 戓配(妃) “Ge’s spouse” on 41.1. See too 139.1 commentary.

188
: I follow Wei Cide (2006: 130-131) who reads this graph as a ligature composed of zhou 帚 “broom” (=fu 婦 “Lady”) over wang 王 “His Majesty”. This type of ligature writing in reference to a wife of Wu Ding occurs elsewhere in the OBI; see HJ 32764 [Li I diviner type], which writes the name Lady Jing 婦井as a ligature.

189
Huayuanzhuang East scribes use the graph (yan 衍) to write the word kan 侃 “happy”. At an early stage in the development of the Chinese writing system the graph , which depicted the image of a channel (hang 行) full of water, was used to write both the words yong 永 “full of water; eternal” and yan 衍 “full of water; extensive”; see Qiu Xigui [1993] 2012: 1.378-386. Reading this graph as 侃 throughout these inscriptions is confirmed by its appearance opposite the words chou 由(怞/妯) ”sad, unhappy” and yu (虞) “upset” on HYZ 9.3-4.

190
Based on divinations before and after it in this sequence, the word 卜 “divined” appears to have been omitted after the date in the preface.

191
In Shang oracle bone inscriptions the phrase “you shi 有事” is associated with ritual activities for ancestor worship, in addition to providing services to the king and being charged by mandate to do so. See 288.12.

192
( ): The reading of this graph as Fu* is uncertain; the transcription follows Li Xueqin (2008: 208-210) and is based mainly on Bin scribal types which write it (HJ 24347). Shang scribes write it in several different variantions (Zongbiao 2786) and the toponym is well attested in the OBI. Some scholars suggest to read it Duan 斷, but David Keightley (1978:81, note 94) has called this into question. Zhu Fenghan (2004b: 216), on the basis of HJ 24347 [Chu 出diviner type], locates it north of modern day Xingyang, Henan 河南滎陽.

193
: This graph is written with two hands underneath a bow and without an arrow. I read it as a variant of she 射 “shoot with bow and arrow (verb); archer (noun)”. Huayuanzhuang East scribes wrote 射in several other variations: , two hands under a bow with arrow; , right hand under bow with arrow; and , only bow and arrow, without hands. See 264.4.

194
The pairing of the words ruo 若and kan 侃as a coda in the formula “ruo_1, kan_2” is a characteristic feature of the Huayuanzhuang East divination practice and statistics show that it was highly effective. Divination statements using in this formula produced a positive and desired answer in sixteen out of twenty instances (including HJ 21853+JingJin 京津2993); it was the most accurate divination formula in the entire corpus (80%). Moreover, it does not occur in divination records from any other Shang divination practices. Together “ruo_1, kan_2” meant that the topic/action of the divination would be favorable and cause happiness for the doer (the subject, and here expressly stated to be Ancestor Jia). When no expressed subject is recorded, I understand it to be the main character and patron of the divination practice, “(our) lord”, who governed it.

195
Li Xueqin (2006: 198) and Qiu Xigui ([2003] 2012: 1.457) read yong 用 “Used” and bu yong 不用 “Not used” as judgments. Hu Houxuan (1940) first proposed that 用/不用 was an abbreviation of 兹用/兹不用 “This was applied”/ “This was not applied”, and coined the term “statement of application” (yong ci 用辭; see too Qiu Xigui [1988] 2012: 1.321-322). Hu determined, based on the fact that these words were commonly found written along the side of a divination crack and apart from the divination statement, that they were judgments about whether or not to use that particular divination crack, and as an extension it meant whether or not to use the proposed divination. Keightley (2012: 366) states, “It served as a reading of the crack”, and classifies it as a “notation”. In addition to yong/bu yong occuring immediately next to the divination crack in the bone and apart from the rest of the divination account, this notation also occurs at the end of a divination account. When it does, and when there is no formal prediction (in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations introduced by Zi zhan yue 子占曰 “Our lord read the crack and said”), then yong/bu yong immediately follows the divination statement. When there is a formal prediction, then with one exception, it is recorded after it and before a verification, if there is one. Huang Tianshu ([1991] 2007: 340) explains that in these instances yong/bu yong marked whether or not the divination statement was actually carried out. He points out that if it were a judgment then the controllable verb yong should be negated by wu 勿and not by bu 不. This point is correct, but in order to have carried out something proposed in a divination statement the crack would have first needed to have been judged usable, and by extension, also judged to have been auspicious or favorable. Bu yong has to be read in the past tense, but must have originally referred to a judgment or evaluation. (The occurrence of “Used” after the divination statement and before a formal prediction on 259.1 provides strong evidence to support it.) Qiu proposes that these notations ([2003] 2012: 1.457) were written on the bone after the divination statement but before the verification, and before the issue mentioned in the divination charge was put into effect and carried out. That it was a judgment on a divination crack can be supported by an example like what occurs with the three cracksequence on HYZ 80: . The divination account only recorded crack numbers and the word yong, and yong occurs directly over the vertical crack numbered crack three. This type of inscription implies that scribes first recorded crack numbers and a crack judgment before the rest of the divination account. As for the judgment “Used” above crack three on 80, either crack three was the one evaluated as being fit for use, or the scribe estimated how long the divination account including the preface and the diviner’s utterance would be and wrote the crack judgment above the vertical crack of crack three as an end point.

196
Reading this graph as a phonetic loan for gua 刮“carve” follows Zhao Ping’an 2017. Previously the reading most oracle bone scholars followed was zhe 磔“to rip apart, dismember”, first proposed by Yu Xingwu (2009: 167-172).

197
The Yi-day rite was one of three regulated ritual cycles (Yi ri 翌日/ , Ji 祭 and Rong 彡(肜)) performed over the course of one calendar year. Two additional rites, Xie 協 and Zai , were incorporated into the Ji 祭cycle for total of five major sacrificial rites. These three main cycles formed the foundation of the Shang king’s ancestral worship activities and effectively led to the codification of an event-based royal calendar that was basically equivalent to one calendar year; for a discussion and reconstructed calendar of the Yi-day rite from the king’s divinations, see Dong Zuobin 1945 and Chang Yuzhi 2010. Here 翌日刮is an event notation; compare 428 + 561 which records Rong gua 肜刮as an event notation.

198
is written gui (圭)“jade tablet” over “mouth” (another interpretation is that the mouth depicts a “container” (Tang Lan 唐蘭, rpt. 2016)). As a modifier for items like tools, jades, bows, and sacrificial animals, ji 吉means “hard, solid” or “strong”, and by extension, “top-quality”; it does not mean “auspicious” (Qiu Xigui [1988] 2012: 3.416-418). Qiu Xigui reads adj. ji 吉as the ancestral form of ji 佶 “solid, strong”, the sense of which derived from being one of the characteristic features of this type of jade tablet. (Qiu thinks the “mouth” component in this compound graph functions the same way it does, for instance, in the spelling of ; see HYZ 1.5 commentary.) Wang Guowei (1959: 2.8b-10a) first proposed a connection between 吉and jia 甲 “first”, and this is why I translate it “best”. The idea is that the superior hardness or strength of the material was considered to be of top-quality.

199
: The reading of this graph as the ancestral form of yi 刈 “sickle” (=lian 鐮) follows Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.72-76.

200
: This graph occurs in Wu Ding period divinations, and based on syntax it appears to have the same meaning as you 又/有; see GuLin 3350. I propose to read 具 as a compound adverb, juyou 具有 “altogether”.

201
The graph transcribed as ( , image taken from 333) is likely a variant of 髟 ( , image taken from 267). The addition here of zhou 帚 “broom” in the person’s hand is a phonetic indicator. The reading follows Lin Yun ([1994; 1998], cited in GuLin bubian, 16-18) who explains the image as a man with his hair blowing back in the wind, and interprets it as the protoform of 飄 “heavy wind”. OBI records “there will be heavy winds”you piao 有飄; see HJ 7571, 11446, and 4557. I read Piao as a place/lineage name and 徝as a verb. (Although I read it as a verb, it is also possible to take 又(有) before as a noun prefix, “the”.) Lin Yun (1998: 174-183) locates it in the area of Tangshan, Hebei 河北唐山and western Liaoning. Wu Ding’s divination accounts record a Piao Bo 髟伯 (HJ 6987), and the king being at Piao (HJ 767v); see too Lin Huan and Sun Yabing 2010: 463-465.

202
David Nivison (1996: 274) reads 徝as de (=德) and defines it as a “show of force”. Paul Serruys ([1982] 2001.18: 197d) reads it the same way and explains it as, “Latin visere, to go and see— an official visit to dispense awards or punishments.” The word occurs again on 123.5, and from that divination we can deduce meanings of examine or check on. See too GuLin 2250-2256, and Sōran 199.

203
Five turtle plastrons were used simultaneously about this issue: HYZ 6↔333↔342↔481 and HJ 21853; the last one was discovered outside of pit H3. The crack notations 1234 on this shell are continued 5678 on 333.

204
The identity of these “two Ancestors” is not stated, but a comparison with 196.4 implies that it referred to Ancestor Jia and Ancestor Yi.

205
Ru zi Lu 入自 also occurs as a verification on 196, 428+561 and 490. See Sun Yabing 2014: 113-114. “Entered in” referred either to the place from where the sacrificial animal came from, or to the movement of the diviner’s patron.

206
: This compound graph is comprised of two squares (=enclosures) surrounded on all four sides by water. Song Zhenhao (2006a: 81) reads it yong 灉, but 邕(雝), which already has a water (> river) signifier in its composition, seems perhaps more accurate. The zhouwen 籀文 form of 邕 in the Shuowen jiezi is which resembles the HYZ form; the Shuowen jiezi defines it as a “moat” (si fang you shui 四方有水). The divination sequence on this shell confirms that this place was not more than three days (inclusive) from Lu . Other divination sequences connect it to Ning 濘, which according to later sources was west of Xiuwu, Henan; see 467.2. This divination can perhaps be reconstructed on the basis of 467.4.

207
A receipt notation (470) records a delivery of five shells from this place. On 467 the HYZ prince was at three locations on three consecutive days and the last of them was this place. If the localization of Ning 濘west of Xiuwu, Henan can be accepted, then Wo must have been nearby.

208
For a possible reconstruction, see 467.6.

209
I read xin 新 here as meaning “new”, mainly based on 259 where it modifies “filly” and is used as opposite jiu 舊“old”. 新 occurs however as a toponym on 11 and 168, and is a location for horse trading— for instance 168.1: 其有賈馬于新 “Likely will have tradeable horses in Xin.”

210
I follow Li Xueqin (1984) in reading this graph as jia/gu 賈. In Zhou bronze inscriptions this word has several usages: 1) read as the ancestral form of jia 價,noun: “price, appraisal”; 2) as a verb, “trade, exchange”; 3) as a noun: “trader, appraiser”; 4) as a place/lineage name. An alternate reading is zhu 貯 “to store, stock” (see Jishi 6.2141). In Pre-Qin literature, like the “Pin li” 聘禮 chapter of the Yili 儀禮, traders or appraisers (賈人) accompanied their patrons on official visits and were present for gift-giving and gift-receiving ceremonies. Their main role and responsibility was to oversee and appraise the value of goods.

211
In this antithetical pair the word qi 其occurs in the first divination statement and not in the second. Paul Serruys’ “rule of qi 其” (see commentary to 1.8) proposes that the use of qi in one statement of an antithetical pair marked the undesired result. David Nivison (1996: 270-271) refutes this saying, “It should be noted that Serruys’ observation works only in paired statements just one of which contains qi; in many such pairs, qi is used in both, or in neither; and the rule that marks something disfavored fails completely in other contexts.” Following Serruys’ rule, the diviner did not want the horse on the right to be used; see 367.4-5. On the other hand, if qi 其marks anticipation, then the first statement would be what the diviner was expecting to happen, and not necessarily the undesired result. The coda bu yong 不用 (and not 勿用) implies that the decision was out of the diviner’s control. This divination pair, dated day 44/60, can likely be synchronized with all seven statements on 367, which is dated to day 60/60 of the following week.

212
Paul Serruys (1986: 219) reads yǐn 飲 “to drink (wine)” or yìn “to give drink”.

213
The Erya defines it as yi yao ye 宜, 肴也 “It is viands”; see Karlgren, GSR 21; Paul Serruys ([1982] 2001: 37.419d) explains that yi 宜 “graphically shows ‘sliced meat’ displayed in two layers on ‘a sacrificial stand’”, and defines it both as “sacrificial meat viands” (noun), and “put/killed/displayed (?) on ancestral stone tablet” (verb). A noun usage on 34 means “viand tray”; as a verb, I translate it “to make (or: provide) viands”; see the late Shang bronze inscription Zuoce Ban yan 作册般甗 (JC 944). The recipients of viand offerings could be either living or deceased; for the former, see 34.4, 480.3 and the Western Zhou bronze inscription Ling gui 令簋 (JC 4300-4301).

214
A Wu Ding period receipt (HJ 9445) records a delivery of oracle bones from this place; see too HJ 40578. Modifying the noun ci 朿, I read xin 新 like I do when it modifies “horses” (HYZ 7)—“new”, and not as a toponym, although this reading cannot be ruled out. “New” constructions were commonly referred to as such in Shang-Western Zhou inscriptions and in early received literature, for instance “new settlement” 新邑 and “new great settlement” 新大邑 in the “Shao gao”召誥, “Luo gao” 雒誥, and “Kang gao”康誥chapters of the Shangshu in refererence to the new eastern capital at Luoyang. Shang inscriptions record “new temple” 新宗 (HJ 13547; Zuoce Feng ding 作冊豊鼎 (JC 2711)), “new room” 新室 (HJ 13563), “new sleeping chamber” 新寢 (HJ 24951; Leizuan 973a), and “Que’s new homes” 雀新家 (HJ 28001). The occurrence of a “new 朿” recommends the existence of an older one; compare “new/old fillies” on 259.
Ci 朿 is the early writing of ci 刺 “to stab”. Yao Xuan (2006: 149-152) suggests that the word here is a type of construction (she guesses it is a temple or a similar building), and I agree. This view is supported by a variant in Shang script adding “roof” 宀 (Tunnan 662). The variant spelling matches the word ci/zi 㢀 “house, lower/ side room” listed in the Guangyun.
The syntax “宜在新朿牝” is comparable with 267: 歲妣庚在(戎)牢 “Sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng pen-raised cattle that are at Rong”, but different from 282: 辛丑宜在 “Make viands from ewe(s). At Fu*.” In the word order and grammar of the first two sentences the locative phrase acts as an adjective modifying the sacrificial animal type, which is the direct object of the verbs yi and sui. In the last example “ewes” is the direct object of “make viands”, and the locative clause is a postface that recordes either the location of the divination or the location where the rite was carried out.

215
The graph is composed of zhi 止 “foot” on top of tu 土 “earth”. It is not seen elsewhere in Shang-Western Zhou writing, but the Houma convenant texts (HMMS 16:3 [宗盟类]) has a similar graph written that Zhang Jie (2006: 32) reads wei 違 “contrary”.

216
writes the word 孚 “trust”; see Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.449-460. I further agree with Qiu that fu 孚 and bu fu 不孚 “not trusted” were judgments. (He calls them fu ci 孚辭 “statements of truth”.) The HYZ OBI also have the prognostications wu you fu 毋有孚 “must not be trusted” (252.3) and ci fu 茲孚“trust this” (173.3). Scholars previously read this graph as spelling the word yu 御 “defend” or “lustrate”, but in HYZ script there is a clear distinction between the two:
(孚)： (87; carapace); (252); (259); (173)
御(禦): (114); (21); (29)
Exactly what word wrote is still unknown, but there is a graph written in the Shanghai Museum copy of Black Jacket 緇衣 (ShangBo 1) that resembles it. occurs in a phrase that in the received Liji 禮記version of the text has fu 孚. Several different graphs are used in Han and Pre-Han literature to write the word 孚 “trust”. 孚occurs as a judgment term in the Book of Changes, and commentators routinely gloss it xin 信 “trust”. (孚 is written with the loan fu 復 “return” in the Mawangdui Yijing.) The Warring States manuscript called Divination Story*卜書 (ShangBo 7) uses biao 表as a phonetic loan for fu 孚, and fu 孚is written with the phonetic loan biao (the sound element is 麃) in the Warring States manuscript Great King Jian Stops the Drought 柬大王泊旱 (ShangBo 4). See 267.2 and commentary.

217
: This graph is a compound formed with 子 “child” and 矢 “arrow”. A variant in Shang script wrote it with “adult man” 大and not with “child” . Yu Xingwu (cited in 2009: 319-321) says that this word is synonymous with but different from ji 疾 “sickness; make ill”. Paul Serruys (1974: 91, n. 5) says, “this is a case [concerning these two graphic forms] of originally two different graphs for two different usages, merging into one graph for both (probably related) words: ‘to have sickness, be sick,’ and ‘to inflict pain’”. Elsewhere (16.1) Ji Nai is just called Nai 乃; see too 391.8-9: “Nai’s horses”.

218
The text in brackets has been reconstructed based on 473.2; see the commentary to that divination account for the reading of 蹠.

219
Reconstructed maps of Henan province during the Shang-Western Zhou periods (see Zhongguo wenwu ditu ji, Henan fen ce 中國文物地圖集河南分冊, p. 10) locate Xin in the vicinity of a place named after the Yellow River (He 河) and Han 圅/函, which was near Qinyang 沁陽and Jiyuan 濟源, Henan. The evidence comes from records of a military expedition by Wu Ding (HJ 16242). A man called Han Huangfu 圅皇父is well known from a set of Western Zhou bronze vessels, see Chen Mengjia 2004: 250-254 (#177).

220
Si 巳 is etymologically related to yi 已 “to stop”. Edwin Pulleyblank (1995: 115) says, “as a verb yi 已 means ‘stop, finish (≈停)’...It also has various uses as a grammatical particle. Its earliest use as a preverbal particle seems to be as an intensive adverb before adjectives in the sense of ‘very,’ ‘excessively,’ ‘too,’ a usage that is already found in the pre-classical language.” Although there are instances in OBI where 巳 spells si 祀 “sacrificial rites, ritual year”, this reading does not work in these divinations. Qiu Xigui (2012: 1.225-228; [2010] 2012: 1.553) reads 巳 as a particle when it occurs in combination with and after the negative 弜(勿). Following Qiu, the initial clause would be proposing not to pray. Although there are instances, like HYZ 391, where 弜(勿)巳 appears to be the negative proposition of an antithetical pair (“do/not do”), there has to be a lexical difference between 子弜(勿)巳祝 and 子弜(勿)祝 “Our lord should not pray” (214). Li Xueqin (2005) takes it as a full verb, “to stop”. 弜(勿)巳 regularly occurs in Huang 黃diviner (Period IVb-V) records in isolation and this seems good evidence that 巳 is a verb and not a particle. Furthermore, 弜(勿)巳 on 324.2 is followed by a noun, “mares”: 己亥卜：弜(勿)巳[ ]眔送黑. The phrase “弜(勿)若巳” on 286.11, if the word order is correct, also suggests it is a verb.

221
The demonstrative pronoun zhi 之 “that/those” occurs eighteen times. Here it ought to refer back to the boar mentioned in the preceding divination. This seems certain from a comparison of other instances where zhi indexes an antecedent noun, as in 299.2: 有吉牛，惠之(殺) ”(As for) the prime cattle, it should be those which are killed”, and 475: 乙巳卜：有圭，叀(惠) 之畀丁， 五 “(As for) the pointed jade tablets, it should be those which are given to His Highness, (along with) five ear ornaments.”

222
This toponym is almost certainly associated with the Qin River 沁河, which is one of the main tributaries of the Yellow River and flows north to south from southern Shanxi into northwest Henan. Said to originate in between Qinyuan 沁源and Wuxiang 武鄉counties in Shanxi province, it passes through places like Qinshui 沁水County (Shanxi) and Qinyang 沁陽 (Henan) before pouring into the Yellow River at Wuzhi 武陟 (Henan). Oracle bone divinations record fishing at the Qin river 沁, and crossing it to hunt. A variant form writes it phonetically as Xin 心, without a classifier; see Yu Xingwu 2009: 361-367, and Sun and Lin 2010: 102-103.

223
Chen Jian (2009: 135-159) reads this graph, which depicts two hands netting a pig, either as the verb zhao 罩, or as a ligature writing two words, zhao shi 罩豕. The latter reading seems better here on the basis of divinations later in the sequence, like (3) and (4).

224
Yao Xuan (2005: 77-78) reads , a compound composed of a hand holding a stick 殳 next to a tiger 虎 (phono-semantic), as a variant form of bao 虣; see Qiu Xigui 2012: 3.3-5. Bao 虣is an early form of bao 暴. An early meaning of 虣seems to have been to fight a tiger with one’s hands (>strong-armed), as it the Lunyu’s “暴虎馮河” (fight a tiger with one’s hands and cross a river without a boat). Here, however, the object of the hunt appears to be pigs and not tigers.

225
In Pre-Qin script the graphs ru 入 “to enter” and nei 內 “inside” (na 納 “place into, take in”) were interchangeable. As a lineage name and toponym, perhaps 入should be read Nei 內. The origin of the place/lineage name 入also perhaps derived from the confluences of water “entering” the Yellow River from both the Wei and Luo rivers. In the Huayuanzhuang East divination accounts, Ru/Nei is at most a two-day journey from Lu 鹿. A person called Nei 內was an important diviner during Wu Ding’s reign; see Jao Tsung-I 1959: 484-504. Notable divinations made by Nei are the “Names of the Four Directions and Winds” 四方風 inscription (HJ 14295), and settlement building (HJ 13505, Yibian 3212).

226
Reading as sha 殺follows Chen Jian 2012, cited in GuLin bubian, 459-464; see too Qiu Xigui [1973] 2012: 5.8. Yu Xingwu (2009: 161-167) reads it as the archaic form of chi 胣 “to disembowel”, and Paul Serruys (2010: I.106-107) follows him, translating it as “to dismember”. In terms of procedures and preparation for ancestor worship and sacrifice, the fact that sha precedes the “sacrificial cut” (歲(劌)-sacrifice) provides additional support for Chen’s reading; see 265.7 and 401.15. As in other traditions, the size and weight of the sacrificial animal usually required killing it, often by stabbing, before sacrificially cutting it (see Scurlock 2006: 30-31). Other cutting procedures such as butchering and carving followed it; see 286, 241, and 316. For allographs, see 76.1 and 226.7.

227
The grammatical construction 于作...廼 “upon starting...then” is parallel to 于既...廼 “upon finishing...then” (3, 241, 286), and 于来自...廼 “upon returning from...then” (149). Pulleyblank (1995: 78) calls 廼 the “old form” of the particle 乃. 廼is also used in a grammatical construction with the adverb xian 先“first”, 先...廼 “first...then” (154). Huayuanzhuang East scribes delineate between 廼 and 乃. The former only occurs as a particle and the latter only occurs to write the name of a person, Ji Nai.

228
A parallel divination occurs on 53.1, but in that divination account the adverb qi 其 occurs in between the subject, Zi, and the verb wang “go”.

229
The syntax “subject + you qiu 有求 + yue 曰”, with the word yue as an integral part of the divination utterance can be supported by 286 and 384.1. Qiu 求is glossed in Classical commentary as suo wu 索物 “search for things”, de 得 “obtain”, qu 取 “obtain”, and wu 務 “to focus on”; see the citations listed in GXHZ, 1221. The request here was presumably either related to killing the animals for the feast (16.2) or procuring viands.

230
It is uncertain how to read this graph and what word it intended to write. Xin Jiaguwen bian 724-725 lists it under gui 龜 “turtle”, and Xin Zongbiao 3966 lists it as an allograph of zi 子. Neither of these interpretations is supported with any evidence. As the alternative choice to “our lord praying”, it seems that this person was a ritual specialist.

231
Perhaps this is a variant spelling of “north” bei 北.

232
These two days of the week are written along the edge of the upper left hand side of the shell. There are divination cracks near it. ZSKY 2003 reads 匕(妣)庚, confusing what is obviously Yi 乙 “day 2/10” for the graph bi 匕(妣) “Ancestress”. Zhu Qixiang and Yao Xuan both read 乙庚. All of these transcriptions add symbols that indicate missing words, but this is unnecessary, since it quite straightforward that no content is missing or has been erased; the scribe only recorded 乙庚. Yi and Geng, days 2 and 7 of the ten-day week, should either be read as dates, or as shorthand in reference to Ancestor Yi and his spouse Ancestress Geng.

233
Wu Ding period divinations record Ni as a marriage partner of the royal house (Yibian 8896).

234
: Yu Xingwu (2009: 180-181) identifies it as the ancestral form of yong 雝, but Huayuanzhuang East scribes write that word with a different graph (see HYZ 16 commentary), and this suggests it wrote a different word altogether. For the reading of yu 予, see HYZ 294.1 commentary. On 237.12-13 this person presents sacrifice to Ancestor Jia (Yang Jia), and the absence of him presenting anything to other ancestors might imply that he was a grandchild of Yang Jia and a cousin of the Huayuanzhuang prince.

235
Compare this syntax with 321.3.

236
The “lesser altars” (xiao shi 小示) refers to collateral ancestors not of the direct line; see Chang Yuzhi 2010: 360-375. The grammar of this sentence is “verb + direct object + dative preposition + indirect object”, and the direct object is a nominalized verb phrase: “Our lord’s going to hunt”; it refers to an event yet to happen. This inscription is important for it confirms that least one application of making a yu 禦-rite was as protection or defense aimed at future events taking place outside of the house, and not solely to extract and dispel illness or injury. 29.1 records a protection rite for horses stemming from a dream.

237
Zhi 彘 “wild boar” is reconstructed on the basis of 29.5 and 296.7.

238
Yu Xingwu (2009: 394-396) identifies this graph as an early form of pou 剖 “to dissect, split open”. Pou here ought to be the same person otherwise called “lord Pou” (449); see too 450. The orientation of this inscription so as to correspond to a divination crack that has transgressed the central dividing line appears to confirm reading it in this direction, with Pou as diviner, and not 貞剖, with Pou as the subject of the divination.

239
ZSKY 2003 understands this word as a lineage name, and suggests it was a receipt notation. This same word occurs in the exact same position on four other shells: 60, 146, 318, and 396. I agree that this word is a name, and not a verb or another grammatical word, but the fact that it was written on the left bridge of the recto side and not on the verso side, in addition to there not being any other receipt information, opens up the possibility that it might have had a different meaning. Shells were commonly arranged in sets and diviners regularly used multiple shells for a single divination sequence. The higher the shell set the more important the event, and five was the highest count in this corpus. Mao’s name was recorded on precisely five separate shells and this leads to the hypothesis that either these originally formed a set, or that each shell “signed” with this name could have been the top shell of a bundle or additional multiple shell sets. Aside from the occurrence of the name Mao here, the other names appearing in a similar manner were Ding 鼎 (one instance, 249) and Zhen 朕 (three instances, 119, 173, 367). The existence of multiple scribes (I count at least four) leads to the tentative hypothesis that these words might have been the names of scribes.

240
: The graph appears to depict a man holding a component that resembles the graph used to write the word bing 丙 “base, stand” (But this same graph also can be used to represent a hunting trap; see Xinbian, p. 195). Jao Tsung-I (1959) reads it na 納 “enter in, take in”. Shima Kunio (2006: 615-616), based on variants like (HJ 27840), which resembles the graph used to write the word wu 舞 “dance”, defines it as a type of rain-dance, and the ZKSY 2003 editors and most recently Sun Yabing ([2014] cited in GuLin bubian, 51-52) follow it. Zhang Yujin ([2010] cited in GuLin bubian, 49-51) focuses on the combined sense of a man holding a table/stand and reads it as an early form of feng 奉 “carry in > offer” (>捧), with 丙 functioning as a phono-semantic component. Other scribal schools wrote it in various ways: (HJ5281) (HJ5250) (HJ12743) (HJ27834) and (HJ27830). (Another graph, (HJ 12505), has the same components but a different orientation than the others, and it is unclear whether it is a allograph or whether it wrote a different word.) The conventional reading is that it wrote the word yan 燕 “swallow”, to be read as a phonetic loan for yan 宴 “feast, banquet”. Yao Xuan’s transcription has “*燕”, which means the reading is uncertain. There are fifteen occurences of this word in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations.

241
Yao Xuan reads 田 here and on 338 not as tian 田 “field > hunt”, but as the graphically similar Shang Jia 上甲 (Shang king 1). 338 records: 甲辰卜，子往宜，田(上甲)掔。用。鑊 “Divined on Jiachen: Our lord will go the viand-offering service, (and) carry in Shang Jia’s (meat). Used. Cooked”; see too 487.3.

242
: Chen Jian (2007:1-7) identifies this graph and its variant as the protoform of qian 臤(掔>牽) “to drag, lead forward” (Shuowen jiezi: 引前). Warring States forms add the phonetic chen 臣. Ritual texts like the Yili 儀禮use this word in specific reference to leading in sacrificial animals with a rope (usually cattle).

243
Reconstructing qi 气after the toponym Jia 賈is based on HYZ 63. In receipt notations, the graph qi 气is a loan for qi 乞 “requested” (or perhaps qi 訖 “received”). Shen Jianhua (2008:80-82) locates Jia east of Linfen, Shanxi 山西臨汾市.

244
Synchronizing this divination with 314.4-6 confirms day Bing 丙was an abbreviation of Bingzi 丙子 (day 13/60), two days after Jiaxu (day 11/60). I have reordered the sequence of these divinations based on this reconstructed timeline.

245
Jian/xian 見 “see, appear, have audience (about/with)” occurs thirty-nine times on twenty-four shells. Outside of the HYZ OBI, scribes used the graph 見 both in its primary sense (as in, Fou qi lai jian wang 缶其來見王 “Fou will likely come to see His Majesty” (HJ 301)), and as a phonetic loan for xian 獻 “present” (as in, Bi jian bai niu 畢見百牛 “Bi presented one hundred head of cattle” (Qianbian 7.32.4)); for a summary, see Yao Xiaosui, GuLin 625: 609 and Qiu Xigui [1998] 2012: 1.444. 見in the HYZ OBI appears to have also been used in both ways. It is to be read as it is written and in its primary sense, for instance on 37.4: 以一鬯見丁“Bring one bowl of aromatic ale to see His Highness”), 102.3: 二卜有咎，唯見 “The second divination crack has fault, it has been seen (or: it has appeared)”), and 202.7-8: 子其見丁，鹵以 “When our lord sees His Highness, bring salt”. Reading it as a phonetic loan for 獻 makes more sense when it takes a commodity as its direct object. In the divination 26.9, and in 92.2, 453.2 and 249.20, the direct objects are food and drink; in 37.3 and 490.1-4 the direct objects are jade, and on 451.3 its subject (or prepositioned direct object) is a type of textile (belts). 226.1 records the receipt 万家見(獻)一 “Dancer Jia presents one”, and the number “one” refers to the turtle shell that the inscription was written on. Reading 見in these cases as “see”, “show”, or “appear” (> make appear) seems inaccurate. 見also occurs in a syntax followed by the preposition yu 于, in the grammatical construction “jian yu 見于+ person”— as in Zi hu Duo Jia jian yu Fu Hao 子呼多賈見于婦好 (37.21); in this case, I read it as “have audience about/with [person]”. (I use “about” not in the sense of “on the subject of” or “concerning”, but rather to indicate movement in a particular space.)

246
I read zhi 至, not in the temporal sense of “arrive”, but as zhi 致 “deliver, send off”. HYZ 56 uses it + direct object in the phrases: “zhi 至+ ram one” and “zhi 至+ ram one + recipient.” Zhi yu 至禦 also occurs again on 409. Wu Ding’s and Wu Ding period royal family divination accounts insert the name of the person who was exorcised in between the words zhi 至and yu 禦, for instance HJ 22046: 戊子卜：至子禦兄庚羌、牢 ‖ 戊子卜：至子禦父丁白豕 “Divined on Wuzi: Deliver, for our lord’s exorcism (to) Elder Brother Geng, Qiang, pen-raised cattle‖ Divined on Wuzi: Deliver, for our lord’s exorcism (to) Father Ding, white pigs”; HJ 22049: 戊午卜：至妻禦束父戊，良有瘳 “Divined on Wuwu: Deliver, for the consort’s exorcism, cloth to Father Wu; (her illness) will get better and she will recover”; and HJ 13740 [Bin 賓-diviner]: 于婦至吴禦 “To (deceased) Lady (Hao), deliver Wu’s exorcism.”

247
This divination can be synchronized with 32 and 320.6. These two cracks numbered 34 imply the existence of 12, yet none of the inscribed shells or bones from Pit H3 can be linked with it.

248
Ya 亞was one of the most powerful Shang military ranks; see David Keightley 2012: 348349. Dian 奠 is the early writing of Zheng 鄭. As a lineage and place name it almost certainly is to be associated with modern day Zhengzhou, Henan (Shirakawa Shizuka 1957). 284.3-4 records a person called Hou Dian 侯奠.Lin Yun (2007) thinks Hou Dian and Ya Dian refer to one person who over time held two different official positions.

249
(chi 齒): depicts an open mouth with teeth, and the word’s primary meaning is “tooth, teeth”. I read chi 齒in its original meaning. This sequence of divinations appears to be about whom amongst the king’s most trusted people, and perhaps the king himself, would ritually exorcise the prince’s sick tooth. An alternative is to follow Yu Xingwu (2009: 221-222) who first noted that 齒has a derived sense of “friction” (相錯相磨…會發生某事故或禍祟之義) and a general sense of “difficulty”. Paul Serruys (2010: I.171, I.278-279) follows this and translates both as “friction” and as “difficulties”: 其有來齒 “Anticipate that there will be [a case of] someone bringing difficulties” (Bingbian 47.7); and 隹父乙降齒 “It is Father Yi sends down (or: It is that Father Yi will send down) friction” (Bingbian 114.3); see too Yingcang 886. If read this way then 作子齒 “cause our lord friction” is a causative construction comparable to the phrase zuo Zi jian 作子艱 “cause our lord distress/affliction” (75.1-2).

250
For a discussion of the rank and duties of xiao chen 小臣, see Yu Xingwu 2009: 308-311.

251
The graph fuses xin 辛and mu 木and writes zhen is an alternate form used to write the day Xin 辛(see HJ 32572v: “Ancestor Xin”). Yao Xuan’s transcription reads it as qin 亲.

252
You cong zhong 由从中: I read 由as a verb and as writing the word di 迪 “to advance; to walk” (see Axel Schuessler 2007: 579). 从is a preposition, “from”. 中in this instance ought to be the directional “middle”, and likely refers to a military formation, although elsewhere it occurs in the name Zhong Zhou 中周; see 102, 321. 丁虞于子由從中 is grammatically equivalent with 丁衍(侃)于子學商 “His Highness will be happy about our lord practicing “Shang”” (150.4). An alternative is to read 由从as a compound preposition.

253
is composed of you 酉 “ale vessel” + 彡 (=liquid). There are instances outside of the Huayuanzhuang East inscriptions where scribes write it 酉 and without 彡 (see HJ 19838 [Shi 師diviner], Yingcang 2443 [Li 歴diviner], Tunnan 2626 [Li 歴diviner] and HJ 37840 [Huang 黃diviner]). Zhu Fenghan (2002: 87-94) concludes the word that this graph writes rhymed with 酉, and its combined meaning ( 會意) was pouring out ale. He also studies the syntax “ + animal-type” and concludes it was an abbreviation of: to make an ale libation and to kill (or offer) a sacrifice. Jao Tsung-I (1959: 152) reads directly as writing the word jiu 酒, and says that its verbal sense is to present ale. The graph you now occurs frequently as a variant spelling of 酉on Warring States bamboo manuscripts and this confirms that they are phonetically compatible; see Xincai Geling A3.34, A2.14-13, 0.542, and A3.304. Since scribes in early China show the tendency to exchange “酉” and “ ”, and since “酉” is a commonly used loan in Western Zhou bronze inscriptions and Warring States bamboo manuscripts for jiu 酒 (e.g., Yu gui 遹簋: “王鄉(饗)酉(酒), 遹御亡遣(愆)” (The king feasted and drank ale. Yu provided service without error); and Xincai Geling A3.148 + A3.86: “酉(酒)食” (ale and food)), it seems rather direct to read “ ” as “酒” with the following meanings 1) as a noun, “ale”; 2) as a verb, “to make libation with ale”. However, at least one spelling of “酒” in Huayuanzhuang East script is written with the “liquid” inside of the 酉-vessel and not outside of it. 酒: (HYZ 53) and “ ”: occur on the same shell, and this implies either that they wrote two different words, or that the noun usage was written with the first form and the verb usage with the second form. In summary, depicts pouring liquid (ale); you 酉functions both as a signifier and as the phonetic value. 226.6 records guan 祼 “ale libation” and you together (往祼), and this confirms these two ritual procedures were alike. As I understand it, both words meant libation, but their application was different. Qiu Xigui ([2000] 2012: 1.471-472) points out that was performed as an initiation to a larger ritual event or ritual cycle. Takashima (2010: II.176) has determined that it was done outside (this differs from 祼which appears to have been made inside; a variant spelling adds ROOF 宀) and before the sacrifice and its disposal. Liu Yuan (2004: 110, note 1) proposes that while originally depicted pouring out ale as an offering, in oracle bone inscriptions it already had a derived meaning of to make offerings in a general sense. Liu suggests it has a similar meaning to you 有(侑) “offer”. See 226 and 286.21-26.

254
Shen Pei (2006b) notes that liu 六is a scribal error for the graphically similar jin 今.

255
癸子seems to be another way to refer to the juvenile spirit 子癸; see 214 for another occurrence of 癸子. This inverted writing is similar to Zu Jia 祖甲 “Ancestor Jia” also being called Jia zu 甲祖 “Jia-day Ancestor”.

256
This divination account is proposing to make an exorcism/protection ritual over a certain set of the protagonist’s horses because of a dream that he had. Both the dream and future sacrificial offerings (as a pledge) are to be announced in writing to the juvenile spirit Guizi in the hope that no calamity would befall the horses or the dreamer. See the parallel divination at 289.6.

257
Takashima (2010: 1.35-46) says cheng 爯(=稱) depicts a hand (爪) picking up an object (冉), perhaps a weight. It occurs meaning “raise, lifted” for example in the Western Zhou period bronze inscription Zha Bo gui 柞伯簋: 柞伯十爯(稱)弓無廢矢 “Zha Bo ten times raised the bow without wasting an arrow” (=he hit the target each time). Schuessler (2007: 185) makes a connection with its cognate cheng 承 “to lift up, hold up, set forth, present”.

258
: is the ancestral form of chu 琡 (Chen Jian 2007). A variant form adds you 又as the sound value. The Shuowen jiezi defines it as 玉 “jade”, and the Erya as 璋大八寸 “a jade tablet as large as eight cun”; see 195.1 and 198.12.

259
Tentatively following Yang Zhou (2009a) who reads this graph as zhang 章(璋) “jade tablet”. I use “arc-ended jade tablet” as a translation for 璋, and as a way to differentiate it from 圭 “pointed jade tablet”.

260
For the reading of this graph as sheng 陞see Peng Bangjiong (cited in GuLin bubian, 936). This person’s name also occurs in the three-shell divination set 349↔441↔205.

261
This divination has parallels at 169, 335.2 and 420.2. See David Keightley (1978: Appendix 1, note e) for an explanation of the ascension of Da Jia (K9).

262
The next Yi day would have been Yimao 乙卯, day 52/60.

263
Sun Yabing (2011a: 111, n.6) emends 延after 祖甲.

264
大 here is an adverb. The same usage occurs in da sui 大歲(劌)/xiao sui 小歲(劌) at 228.2-3. 282.3 confirms that 大refers to the amount of jades to be gifted and means more than one.

265
率here is an adverb, “all”. It means that not all of the prince’s servitors were called.

266
For the reading of suo 所, see GuLin bubian, 957 (citing He Jingcheng 2008).

267
(柚) is composed with tree (classifier) + you 由 (phonetic): “pomelo/grapefruit tree”. On 88 it is written with jing 京 “high mound; elevated structure.” Shang scribes write it in several variations, and scribes working with the Nameless-diviner and Huang-diviner groups add the sound element xun 尋: (HJ 30526) (HJ 28941). The graph in Warring States script omits the tree classifier and writes it with the double phonetic 尋 + 由as (ShangBo 1, Kongzi Shi lun 孔子詩論, strip 16). The Zuozhuan (Duke Zhao, year 23) records a place called Xun 鄩 that Du Yu’s commentary says was in Gong county, Henan 河南鞏縣. See GuLin bubian, 365-368 (citing Wang Ziyang 2013); for a paleographic study of the graph you 由and associated words written with it, see Chen Jian 2010: 1-89.

268
The identification of as You 柚(鄩) implies that the phrase “enter Shang”入商 refers to the Shang territory (or royal domain) and not the temple-palace complex at Anyang. See HYZ 2 commentary on the toponym Lu . “Entering Shang. At You” further suggests that the western border of the Shang was at or near Wenxian, Henan. The area along this border was a main area of activity for the HYZ prince.

269
That a person outside of the direct control of the prince is the subject of these divinations is implied by the use of the adverbial negative bu 不, which expresses a stative-eventive uncontrollable action from the diviners perspective. When a divination takes the main character or someone under his control as the subject, then as a rule, diviners use the controllable adverbial negatives 勿 and 毋.

270
This name occurs also on 255 and 490; all the divinations about this jade delivery can be sychronized.

271
A variant spelling of this graph in Shang and Western Zhou script substitutes the ale vessel for a food vessel and adds the sound value wang 往 (see HJ 30956, HJ 34573, HJ 36525 and JC 5985). I read it 餉, which the Shuowen jiezi says is a variant of xiang 饟, and the Erya defines as “to deliver food to the fields”/“offer food”. For a discussion of the phoentic relationship and loaning between 往and 襄, see Yu Xingwu 1979: 154-156 and Zhou Zhongbing 2018: 68-74.

272
Ding Shan (1989: 126-127) identifies this graph as the ancestral form of zhao 肇 “to start (≈ 始), initiate (≈啟動)”. This high-frequency word commonly occurs in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations as a transitive verb that only takes commodities (including meat) as its object. In Wu Ding’s divinations it usually occurs in receipt notations, and based on that usage, Fang Zhisong (2007: 37-53) explains it as meaning zhisong 致送 “to deliver”. Like with the verb cheng 爯(稱) “raise, lift up”, zhao 肇usually occurs in contexts where the main character presents items in the immediate presence of the king. I use “dispense” as meaning to take goods from the prince’s stock and hand over or deliver to someone else.

273
Huang Tianshu (2006: 449) understands chu ri 出日 as being equivalent in meaning to ri chu 日出 “sunrise” (HYZ 426). The alternative is to read chu as a verb, “exit”, and ri as “daytime”.

274
Bing modifies “bow” and means the bow was either produced in a place called Bing or submitted by Bing. Inscribed bronzes with this name have been discovered in Shilou-Lingshi, Shanxi 山西石樓靈石 (Kaogu 1990.7). Song Zhenhao (2010: 468-477) offers an alternative interpretation, and takes Bing, which appears to depict a stand or base, to mean a crossbow.

275
There are two possible readings here for the compound ji gong 疾弓: 1/) like Bing in the previous divination, it is the name of the manufacturer or place the bow came from; 2) it refers to a type of bow. Song Zhenhao (2010: 468-477), following his interpretation of crossbow, explains it as a fast bow. See HYZ 40.

276
depicts a man holding a dagger-axe or halberd, ge 戈. Li Xueqin (1999) reads it rong 戎. The more commonly occuring form of rong depicts a man (大) holding a dagger-axe in one hand and a shield in the other; this graph occurs on HYZ 38. The form collected in the Shuowen omits the “man” and keeps the weapons, which were the characteristic feature of the word’s meaning as “warrior”. on HYZ 116 is used as a verb “to strike, attack, battle”: “Ji (Nai) ought not strike.” The question is whether is a “shieldless” variant of and whether or not it should be read 戎. In discussing the meaning of ge 戈as a verb, Keightley (2012: 188, n. 52) says, “K.C. Chang (1980:196) describes the five chariot pits found south of building Yi 乙7 in sector C: each pit with one chariot; three men to each chariot; the middle man was a ‘driver, carrying a whip,’ the one one the left was a ‘striker, carrying a ge-halberd,’ and the one on the right was an archer, ‘carrying bow and arrows.’”

277
: ZSKY 2003 editors transcribe this graph as and read it as the word nao 夒. However nao in Huayuanzhuang East script was written differently (at least by one of the scribes); see the commentary to the word rao 擾 on 161. This graph ought to refer to the same place that other Shang scribes write as (HJ 18918), (HJ 3286r), and (Tunnan 857). I agree with Zhan Yinxin (2006: 272-281) who reads it xian/xuan 懸 “to hang”. (懸 is written with head “hanging” down in Western Zhou script (and in the Zhouyuan OBI it also occurs as a toponym)). GuLin bubian, 295-296, cites the interpretations of Xu Baogui 2010 and Shan Yuchen 2012. Xu focuses on the “rope” (=fu 弗) binding what he says is a monkey’s head to a post, suggests to read it 狒 “baboon”, and believes it is a spirit; Shan on the other hand reads it as the ancestral form of xiao 梟 “owl”.

278
Han Jiangsu ([2006], cited in GuLin bubian, 615-617) reads 紤 as fu 斧 “axe”, and then explains 斧 as a phonetic loan for fu 黼 “screen, curtain, tapestry”. Twenty-three of these items are being proposed to be gifted to Hao: ten from military personnel, eight from the prince’s traders, and five from the prince’s servants Fa and Wei. The same item occurs again in divinations about building an ancestral temple (292 and 437).

279
I have reordered the sequence based on other divinations in this set (including HYZ 63) that are clearly deciding who to call on to see Lady Hao. Both Fa and Wei are mentioned (63) but diviners want to know if another person should be added.

280
For shi 食as “feed”, see Qiu Xigui 2012: 4.390 and HYZ 4.1 commentary: “feed horses” shi ma 食馬. “Feed cow” ought to refer to the cow’s nutrition, but the alternative is to take 食 as a verb and in coordination with sui “sacrifice”, “Sacrifice and feed cow(s) to…”. The “Pin Li” 聘禮chapter of the Yi Li 儀禮 distinguishes between 食and xiang 饗 “feast”. The former was a strict beef cattle offering with no ale, whereas the latter included offerings of both meat and ale; see Yang Tianyu 2007: 248, and compare what is included in a feast 饗 for a different ancestor on 321.4.

281
In the divination sequence (1)-(3), there is a decrease in the quantity of the sacrificial animals “pledged” as the week progresses, and this seems to have to do with the daily condition of the ailing shoulder. As the shoulder continues to heal on its own the urgency of making an exorcism with a high number of sacrifices lessens. David Keightley (2012: 282) calls the sacrifices associated with these types of Shang charges a “bargaining, wait-and-see posture”. It is equally possible to read the Ren day divinations before the Yi day divination, that is, first day 9 and then day 2 of the following week. This would then mean that the daily condition of the protagonist’s ailing shoulder has worsened since the number of sacrifices increases; compare, for example, the divinatory sequence of HYZ 1 which appears to start on a Ren day (9/10) and continues through Jia (Day 1/10) of the following week.

282
Oracle bone inscriptions have the phrases wang rong 望戎 “watch warriors from afar”, and hu wang 呼望某方/ hu mu 呼目某方 “call to watch from afar/keep an eye on X-territory”; Western Zhou bronze inscriptions frequently use the word rong 戎in reference to an enemy. See Yao Xuan 2006: 178-179.

283
I read Nan 南here as a person’s name (Lin Yun 2007); see 270. 南more commonly occurs in these divinations as a direction word, and not a person’s name; examples are 144.2: 南三日又(有)至 “South, in three days there will be arrival”, 290.4: 自今三旬又(有)至南 “From today, in three weeks (thirty days) there will be arrival south” and others (47.1, 159.1-2, 264, 290.5, 455). The divination here was presumably related to divination before it.

284
This is the only occurrence of the syntax “verb-deng 登 + ancestor name”. In the HYZ OBI the verb deng is usually takes a cereal type as its direct object.

285
Zhang Bingquan (1957: 2.1.348) explains you 友as a pair 雙; it functions here as a verb, “to pair”; see 267.4-6, 10: “友一”.Shen Pei (2006a) reads it as a phonetic loan for hui/hai 醢 “meat sauce” > caus. “to make something into a meat sauce” (Shuowen jiezi: 肉醬). Fang Zhisong (2007: 18-37), based on receipt notations, determines that one meaning of 友as a verb is to “submit, hand over”. On HYZ 316 the phrase you ruo 友若is another way of writing you ruo 又(有)若: 壬子卜其殺剪友若用 “Divined on Renzi: If killing and cutting apart (sacrifice), there will be favor.” See 179.2 and 338.1-3.

286
depicts an adult man 大 with his mouth facing upward. Zhang Yachu (2001: 542) interprets it as the ancestral form of hua 嘩 “make noise”. (Hereafter I call this person “Hu” in order to avoid confusion with another person named Hua 畫.) This person ought to be the same person called lord Hu elsewhere (113). On 130 Hu is associated with music and zither playing. As such, perhaps “getting Hu by dawn” in this divination concerns an upcoming musical performance.

287
It appears that a word is missing after zuo 作. In causative verb constructions, Huayuanzhuang East diviners use 作in the phrases zuo jian 作艱 “will cause affliction/trouble” and zuo yu 作虞 “will cause (to be) upset”.

288
This divination can be synchronized with five other plastrons: 28↔53↔113↔181↔409. It is associated with Heji 3187 [Bin I].

289
Both rang 禳and yu 禦were sacrificial rites designed eradicate misfortune (除殃祭). It is uncertain, however, if 禳, like 禦, could also be made for protection; see the commentaries to 21.2 and 53.19. For “ear ringing” 耳鳴or tinnitus as an illness (or as symptom of an underlying condition), see Yu Xingwu 2009:220.

290
Ji is either to be read here as a name, or less likely as “the sick” (HYZ 4). “Ji’s bow” 疾弓on HYZ 37 (see 37.18 commentary) means that the bow came from 疾. Perhaps the divination is about whether or not Ji’s bows will come in or be contributed.

291
Following Yao Xuan (2006: 134-155) who reads this graph as a phonetic loan for bi 庇.

292
Ge 戓 is the name of Zhi Bo 沚伯; see 237, 275, and 449. A corpus-based approach to implies that this divination record was related to war against the Shao territory. Yao Xuan reads 戓配 as two people, Ge and Pei, and says this divination is inquiring about whether Zi 子will take shelter with either Huo or Pei. Since I read 配as 妃 “spouse” and 子配 as “Zi’s spouse”, this leads me to read 戓配 here as “Ge’s spouse”.

293
Compare with 155.5: 丁小艱亡 “His Highness’ minor affliction will not have…”.

294
The word chou 瘳in HYZ script is usually spelled , but here it is spelled , adding the phonetic zhou (帚); see HYZ 3.2 and commentary.

295
The Shuowen jiezi lists xin 囟 “skull” and xin “cranium” as variants. The Liang 梁 dynasty (543 AD) dictionary Yupian 玉篇lists xin and as variants; see GuLin bubian 958 (citing Shi Bing 時兵).

296
The verification bu shi 不豕 has omitted the verb gou 遘, which occurs in the divination statement. HYZ 289.5 has a comparable syntax.

297
This intact shell contains only this single-word inscription. See the commentary to 312 for an illustration of the graphic difference between 斝and shang 觴 “an ale vessel; cup”.

298
(湏) is composed with 頁 “head” under 水 “water”. In front of the preposition, yu 于, the graph’s composition looks similar in form to word it writes has to be functioning as a verb. The pin 瀕, which in Western Zhou bronze script was written . 瀕means “along the water; waterside” > “near” (≈近).

299
is composed with 不 (phono-semantic) + 又right hand, depicts pulling up roots, and writes the word ba 拔 “uproot”. This word is also the name of a song and dance (181, 293, 474). A place written with the variants and 不 occurs in a series of Wu Ding period war inscriptions (HJ 6834r); see translation and commentary of Takashima and Serruys 2010: I.92-96; 2.34. The war-divination accounts imply that Ba was close to the places Fou 缶, Zhou 冑, Xian 先, and Que 雀, which all seem to have been located in the area of northwest Henan and southwest Shanxi. Chen Mengjia (1956: 294) reads Fou as a phonetic loan for Tao 陶 and locates it in modern day Yongji, Shanxi 山西永濟; Shirakawa (1957) locates Que in the vicinity of Wenxian, Henan 河南溫縣. The lineage name Xian frequently occurs in Eastern Zhou period covenant texts from Houma, Shanxi 山西侯馬.

300
The graph spelled here appears on 87 and 247 written and without the water classifier. Both are variant forms of and write the words 溢 “overflow”/益 “increase” respectively (Yao Xuan 2006: 176-184). This word occurs as a verb in Shang oracle bone divinations taking the name of a song and dance or a musical instrument as its direct object. Examples from outside of the Huayuanzhuang East divinations are 益祁 (HJ18801, 26789-90) and 益鞉 (HJ 15805, 18824, 23717, 26763-69, White 1267-68); Qi 祁 “pray, abundant” is the name of a song and dance, and tao 鞉is a type of drum. Furthermore, a comparison can be made with the phrases “xue 學 ‘practice’ song/dance” (487, 33, 150) and “zou 奏 ‘perform’ song/dance” (150, 86, 382) in this corpus. In Classical literature 溢is an attested phonetic loan for yi 佾 “row, line up in/form a row”; see Guxun huizuan, p. 114 (and entry 18), citing Lunyu “八佾/溢舞於廳” (Eight rows of dancers in the courtyard), and He Jingcheng (2019: 1-9).

301
depicts liquid inside a vessel you 酉 (phono-semantic) and writes the word jiu 酒 “ale” (as a noun).

302
is composed of two “trees” 林 written on the inside of jue 爵 “ale vessel”. The most comparable HYZ syntax is 以人遘豕 (V_1 + N_1 + V_2 + N_2) (14.4), and a comparison recommends to read it as a verb and the word that follows as its object. In the next divination it comes after the modal adverb qi 其, and this supports it be read as a verb here. I read it as a variant of jue 爵; see 449.4.

303
: In early script the determinative “tree” can be written with one tree or reduplicated with multiple ones. The graph in the middle is shen 申, and it is likely the sound element. The Shuowen lists shen 柛and defines it as “deadwood” 木自斃.

304
Peng Bangjiong (1981) locates Bing 竝near modern day Jinzhong, Shanxi 山西晉中.

305
The verb wang 往in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations has two usages: 1) it most commonly occurs in its primary meaning, as a verb “to go”, as in 子往田 “Our lord will go to hunt”; 2) in divinations about ancestor worship and rites, and particularly in combination with the word 禦 “exorcise, protect”, it appears to mean “to direct (to)” or “send off (to)”, as in 惠奠禦往妣己 “It should be Dian’s exorcism that is directed (to/at) Ancestor Ji” (162), and 歲妣庚牝一, 子髀禦往 “Sacrifice (to) Ancestor Geng one cow; lord Bi’s exorcism will be sent off” (209); see too 302 + 344. Jao Tsung-I (2005: 21, cited previously in the commentary to HYZ 3.10) glosses 往as xiang 向 “direct towards”. Yu Xingwu (2009: 154-160) reads 往in divinations like these as a phonetic loan for rang 禳 “exorcise, dispel”, and says it is a synonym of 禦. Huang Tianshu (2010: 100-107) reads yu wang 禦往 as a verb compound meaning “exorcise”. The problem with Huang’s interpretation is an example like 427 which separates the words: 往微禦癸子 “Send off/Direct Wei’s exorcism (to) Guizi”. 往 in this example takes a double object; the direct object ought to be the noun phrase “Wei’s exorcism”, and the indirect object is recipient of the exorcism, Guizi. (The alternative reading, “Go to Wei (i.e. his current location) and perform exorcism (to) Guizi” is also possible.) One of the prescriptive goals of divinations on the topic of performing exorcisms is trying to determine whether it is necessary to even do so, and assuming it is, to next determine which ancestor was thought to be causing harm or which ancestor could help aid the recovery of an illness or provide protection.

306
Schuessler (2007: 594) defines yuan 爰 as “slow, delay” (related to huan 緩).

307
Divinations (1)-(2), dated Dinghai, are almost certainly abbreviated accounts of 247.14: 丁亥卜: 子金其往,亡災 “Divined on Dinghai: If lord Jin goes, there will be no calamity.” If this synchronization is indeed correct, and the matching dates strongly imply that it is, then all of the other instances of divination records in the simple form of “preface + 子金” should be read as though they were abbreviations of divinations about whether or not lord Jin would encounter any harm while abroad.

308
Zhan Yinxin (2006: 207-208) equates this river with the Yu 湡. The Shuowen says it comes out from the west of Zhao 趙 (southwest Shanxi).

309
Divinations (3)-(4) form a four-shell set along with 247↔255↔352. 255 records the recipient of the exorcism as being Xing 興. The process of ritual action described here is not two detached and unrelated events, a sacrifice and an exorcism, but rather that a sacrifice with ale is to be incorporated as the offering for the exorcism performed thereafter. This can be supported by a divination like 302 + 344: 乙亥歲祖乙牢又鬯一，唯狩禦往, which uses the topic marker wei 唯to introduce an explanatory sentence putting focus on and emphasizing that the offering proposed in the initial clause was for an exorcism ritual performed to protect a hunt led the king; see 27, 32, 214 and 113.

310
It is also possible that the direction of this inscription be read 夫貞 “Fu tested”. Wu Ding’s son Xiao Ji 孝己 once hunted at a place called by this name; see HJ 21546 and Yingcang 1822. Yibian 2267 records the delivery of divination materials by Fu at Lu 鹿鹿 (written with two deer but equal to 鹿), and this suggests that this lineage was active in the vicinity of this place; for other variant spellings of Lu 鹿, see HYZ 2.1 commentary.

311
Yao Xuan interprets mu 目in its primary sense of “eye” and suggests that a word like “brightness” 明 (=目明 “eyesight”) has been omitted after sang 喪 “lose/losing, cease to have”. Her transcription is 目喪囗<明>. She suggests “water” refers to a therapy to prevent the loss of eyesight; see Qianbian 2.4.3 and 4.12.7, and the comment of Takashima 2010: II.585. However, if it was indeed a therapy (ablutions), then it would have been a controllable action. Yet the negative used in divination (3) suggests it was uncontrollable. Sun Yabing (2014: 164, note 3) reads 水 as qian 愆 “mistake, fault, protract/perpetuate (said of illness)”. Evidence is adduced from a connection between 水here and the graphically similar chuan 川 “river” in the following antithetical (yes/no) royal family group divination about illness: 丁亥卜：汝有疾，于今二月弗川 ║丁亥卜， 貞：汝有疾，其川 “Divined on Dinghai: Ru has illness. In the present second month (it) will not protract; Divined on Dinghai, tested: Ru has illness. It might protract” (HJ 22098 [Wu diviner group]). Variant forms of yong 永 “perpetual, perpetuate” and 衍 “overflow” were written with both 川 ( ) and 水 ( ) in Shang and Western Zhou script, and 衍is the ancestral form of and an attested phonetic loan for 愆. Huo is the name of a person (HJ 20245; White 449; Jao Tsung-I 1959: 25), and yan yue 言曰 introduces his direct speech; compare 351.5: 敖言曰翌其于舊官宜。允其。用. In both instances a diviner is trying to determine the truth of a statement (likely the result of an earlier divination) by someone else.

312
See HYZ 23 and commentary.

313
自賈馬is grammatically equivalent to zi Ding shu 自丁黍 “millet from His Highness” and zi xi ji 自西祭 “sacrificial items from the west”.
( ) is written with right hand + knife + pig. A Huayuanzhuang East variant written omits the right hand. The reading of bao/bo 剝 “peel, cut, injure” follows Chen Jian 2007. 剝 “Peeling” is the name and main theme of Hexagram 23 in the received version of the Yijing. Although similar in form, this graph appears to be different from “to castrate, geld”; for a study of the latter, see Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.1-6. 剝 means “pare” on HYZ 228. 81.2, 239.3-5 and 358 are also related to this divination sequence. Based on these three shells with interrelated content, the following timeline can be reconstructed: Yichou is day 2/10; 81.2 is dated day 4/10 and the divination utterance is identical to (6) in this sequence; 239.3 is a divination made on day 10/10 of this same week, and the divination inquires into whether or not to behead a new black horse that has been injured. Additional divinations, at 29.1 and 289.6, perhaps also belong to this set. Those parallel divinations are dated day 3/10 and concern performing an exorcism rite for horses.

314
The graph transcribed here as zhou 舟 “boat”+ ren 人 “person” also occurs on 380 and 490. The graph’s composition matches a guwen 古文form of fu listed in the Shuowen jiezi and defined there as 用 “use”; Shi Bing (2010, cited in GuLin bubian, N034: 909-910) reads 服as a phonetic loan for fu 復 “repeat”. Zhu Qixiang (2006: 972) reads it qian 前 “initial, proceed ”, and Sun Yabing (2014: 125-130) reads it 同(興) “arise” (but meaning something like not good or inauspicious). Fu 服is the alternative choice to zhong bu 終卜; this verbal use of zhong has the same meaning it does for instance in HJ 14209r: 帝弗終茲邑 “G-d is not going to put an end to this settlement”.

315
This divination made by Ya Dian is testing which of the two contradictory prognostications should be followed. The inscription on the verso side is the judgment. For a comparable divination outside of the Huayuanzhuang East corpus, see HJ 94. Yao Xuan (2006: 54-55) has a discussion.

316
Both 380 and 490 write 卜”obey the divination (/divination crack)” .

317
“Ancestor Jia” is almost certainly a scribal error for “Ancestor Yi”; see 37.24-25.

318
It is significant that the crack with the even-numbered day of the week Yi, day 2/10, is on the right side of the shell, whereas the crack with the odd-numbered day of the week Bing, day 3/10, is on the left side of the shell.

319
As I understand it, and following the ZSKY Editor’s sequence, divination (5), “Our lord tested”, is a test on the previously unsuccessful divinations before it. None of the previous four divinations produced a judgment (> result), and the sense here is that the patron of the divination organization stepped in making a test divination to try and settle it; see HYZ 191 for another instance. A less compelling and alternative interpretation is that this single divination was unrelated to the others on the shell.

320
Zheng Jiexiang (1994: appendix 5) locates Feng in modern day Fengqiu, Henan 河南封丘; see also 172 (=171v) for a second delivery receipt from this place.

321
Compare 211: gao hang 告行 “report 呼行 marching”, and 401: hu hang “call to march”.

322
Yan ( ): The graph is composed of yan ( ) “flag” + kou 口. The “mouth” element 口likely indicates that the graph should not be read as “flag” but as a characteristic of it (see HYZ 1.5 commentary). The Shuowen jiezi says should be read yan 偃 “lay down”. Divinations (1)(5) in this sequence appear to concern military action. See 28.

323
畀 is written upside down.

324
Zhong 中 likely refers to the person elsewhere called Zhong Zhou 中周 (102), although conveivably it might also refer more broadly to the Zhong lineage. This divination account implies that Zhong Zhou became a member of the group called Zi chen 子臣 “our lord’s servitors”. During Wu Ding’s late period, and concurrent with the date of the HYZ OBI, members of the Zhong lineage served the royal family as diviner, Lesser Servitor (xiao chen 小臣) and hunting guide (quan 犬, literally “dog”); see Jao Tsung-I 1959: 783-786 and HYZ 28.

325
For ( ) as a variant of sha (殺) “kill”, see Chen Jian 2012, cited in GuLin bubian 459464; see too 16.1 and commentary. HJ 28398 writes it with reduplicated pigs ; see the comments of Zhu Qixiang (2008: 291). In this instance, is the direct object of sui 歲 “sacrifice”. The same word is written at 226.7 with water buffalo substituting pig/ reptile.

326
Li Xueqin (2008: 186) locates Da in the vicinity of Qinyang, Henan 河南沁陽. Da was one of Zu Jia’s diviners (period IIb OBI); see Jao Tsung-I 1959: 811-841.

327
Yimao is day 52/60. This divination has a parallel on 478, and is related to 299.5: 戊辰卜: 大[有]病, 亡延 “Divined on Wuchen (day 5/60): Da [has] sickness. It will not prolong.”

328
Jao Tsung-I (1959: 565) transcribes this graph as xian/xuan . This shell together with 464 forms a two-shell set. A person with this same name was one of Wu Ding’s diviners, and this raises the possibility that he was also one of the HYZ diviners; see Jao Tsung-I 1959: 565-571.

329
The rest of this divination utterance has been omitted. See commentary to 55.4 for a fuller explanation. What has been omitted was either the same divination statement as the previous one, or its converse, something like “Xian might die”.

330
This delivery receipt ought to be equivalent in meaning to 自賈气(乞) “Requested from Jia” (26). is composed of mu 木 + xin 辛 + an element that resembles the graph ding 丁. Mu 木 (classifier) + xin 辛 (phonetic) spells either zi 梓 “catalpa” or zhen “hazelnut”. 440, 444, and 483 are all receipts from this place.

331
Gao guan yu ding 告館于丁has a parallel grammar with the phrases 告行于丁 and 告行于婦 on 211. 113.28 records the building of what is presumably this guesthouse. 82.1 records making offerings in (Rong’s) eastern guesthouse.

332
depicts two hands holding a portable table (for viands). Seal script adds “meat” and omits one of the hands. In the Shijing the word jiang 將has the specific meaning of to carry and bring forward sacrificial offerings; see the poems “Wo jiang” 我將 (Mao 272) and “Chu ci” 楚茨 (Mao 209). Jao Tsung-I (1959: 670) says that jiang 將means to carry in the carcass of the sacrificial animal on a serving table. An alternate interpretation for the verb phrase 將妣庚示 is “carry in (and set down) Ancestress Geng’s spirit tablet”. This divination record is part of the “Rong” synchrony reconstructed in the introduction (Table 4).

333
Reconstructed from 490.12.

334
Both Zhu Qixiang (2006: 974) and Song Zhenhao (2010: 36) read this graph as a variant of gong 宫 “palace”, and take 妣庚示宫 as a noun phrase. This seems incorrect. First, there are no instances of a noun phrase “ancestor name + 示 ‘altar/spirit tablet’ + 宮 ‘palace’”. Secondly, the graph itself does not at all resemble any known variants of gong 宮, which depicts a roof + two enclosures (one on top of the other). Followed by the preposition “in, at” and taking the object “eastern guesthouse” implies it is a verb. This divination contains two clauses, the first starts with jiang 將, and the second starts with this word. I suggest the graph is gong 工 (written on HYZ 324), to be read here as a phonetic loan for gong 貢; see Guo Moruo [1933] 1983: 340 and Wang Ziyang 2013: 286.

335
The reading of this graph as chong 舂follows Huang Tianshu 2006: 403. Axel Schuessler (2007: 189) defines it as “to hull grain”, but its meaning here is uncertain; perhaps it should be read chong 摏 “smash”. Yan 姸depicts a female with hairpins and is the ancestral form of zan 簪 “hairpin”; the Shuowen jiezi defines it as ji 技 “skilled”. See HYZ 458.

336
Combined by Sun Yabing 2011a: 230, note 4.

337
Sun Yabing 2011a: 230, note 4.

338
: Yao Xuan (2006: 96-97) reads this as a ligature combining the toponym (=沁) “Qin” and (= tai 薹) “tower”. Reconstructing the dative preposition yu 于is based on 502: 臺于南 “Tower in the south” ‖于北 “In the north”.

339
Xiao Jia was the 12th Shang king. The appellation xiao 小before his day-name is because he is younger than Da Jia 大甲, the 9th Shang king.

340
Shang 商is here the name of a song and dance or a suite of songs and dances; see Song Zhenhao 2010: 477-500, and Yao Xuan 2006: 146-148. 130 has 舞商 “Danced (to) “Shang””.

341
The parallel between yi Lai 益 and yi Shang 益商in this divination sequence recommends that was also the name of a song and dance. See the commentary to HYZ 53.6-7 for the reading of yi 益as a loan for yi 佾 “row, line up in/form a row”.

342
commonly occurs in divinations for the Shang kings on the topic of childbirth, and seems to indicate the birth of boys; see HJ 21071. In these instances Dong Zuobin ([1948], cited in Sōran #1610) reads it jia 嘉and defines it as “lucky”. See 288.2-3 and 480.5 for 嘉 as a verb. Zhang Shichao (2008b) suggests a ceremonial performance of song and dance called by this name was related to Lady Hao’s childbirth, but this cannot be substantiated with any evidence from other divinations found in Pit H3.

343
: Qiu Xigui ([1980] 2012: 1.38-39) identifies this graph as writing the word zhi 置 “to set, place, arrange”. He explains that the bottom part of the graph is a “stand” and the top part is the phonetic zhi 之 or 止. Variant forms include (HJ 30693, etc.), which adds left and right hands above the phonetic (止), and a simplified form (HJ 23603), which omits the “stand”. In Shang oracle bone and bronze inscriptions (see JC 9894) this word regularly occurs as a verb that takes drum or bell as its object, for instance HJ 30693: 其置庸(鏞)壴(鼓)于既卯 “Should set bell(s) and drum(s) after cutting apart (the sacrifices).” Here it is a noun followed by a quantifier. 置 likely refers to a music performance and means to set a drum or bell to be played at or after the sacrifice. This divination can be synchronized with 455.1; see also 409.

344
Dao 盜: See Yu Xingwu (2009: 382-387) for the identification of this word. Dao is the name of a person, and the person who will be exorcised. The same person occurs again on 92.1, which is a divination also dated to a Jia day. Dao is likely one of the prince’s servitors, and on this particular occasion will to take an active role in preparing for and providing service during the king’s visit and banquet. Perhaps the context of this divination was to first exorcise him in advance of his coming into contact with the king, and to make sure his service was without any errors; for a possible comparison, and one recorded post-factum, see HYZ 28.6 and 290.7 commentaries citing the Western Zhou bronze inscription Yu gui 遹簋.

345
I follow Zhu Qixiang (2006: 976) who reads this graph as a variant of yu 禦.

346
The graph 甲 is still visible in the rubbing and photograph and refers to Ancestress Jia mentioned in the preceding divination.

347
Zhi appears only in this fragmented divination account. Based on the divination about Dao just before it in the sequence, the context seems to be that an exorcism is also planned for Zhi; it further suggests that, like Dao, he is another member of the protagonist’s servitors.

348
: Following the adverb fang 方 this word has to be a verb. Although it is unclear what word the graph writes, the movement classifier + “horse” as either phonetic or phono-semantic suggests a general sense of moving swiftly.

349
The adverb fang 方is synonymous with the classical use of dang 當, which is equivalent to xian zai 現在 “now, at present” in modern Chinese (Yu Xingwu 2009: 217-219).

350
I follow Wei Cide (2006) in reading xu 戌 as a scribal error for the orthographically similar graph shu 戍 “frontier”; see also 249.

351
The graph is composed of zhi 止+ mu 木, with shu 束, written sideways, as the sound element. In HYZ script it is written in two variant forms: (topped with 木) and (topped with 屮), and the latter is likely a simplification of the former; see Chen Jian 2004. It is used both transitively and intransitively; as a transitive verb, the only object it takes is the king, Ding 丁. This word occurs in the early Western Zhou bronze inscription Rongzhong fangding 榮仲方鼎 (Wenwu 2005.9: 64): 榮仲芮伯胡侯子 “Rongzhong invited the sons of Rui Bo (and) Hu Hou.”

352
Sun Yirang (1904: 1.17) and Ye Yusen (1934: 1.62-63) read as gao 皋/hao 暤 > hao 昊. Tang Lan (1939: 44-45) says it is a pictograph of a lizard, but Zhang Bingquan (cited in Ken-ichi Takashima 2010: II. 363-364, n. 5) refutes it. HYZ 252, 450, and 451 write what is definitely the same word but in a more elaborated and pictographic form . It also occurs in Shang and Western Zhou bronze inscriptions written . Ding Shan (1988) interprets it as a dragonfly (蜻) and reads it as the original form of , given the pronunciation liu in the Shuowen jiezi. (The evolution of the spelling of the hind part of this insect from something resembling “丙” to “liu 六” is perhaps a phoneticization.) Although it is uncertain which word this graph is meant to represent, there is a lot of information about this lineage/place in oracle bone inscriptions. Numerous shell deliveries come from here, the highest count being fifty; see HJ 1076v, HJ 3979v, HJ 9220v and HJ 13338v. HYZ 399 and 436 record deliveries from here. The prince acquires embroidered belts made here (451), and on 252 the prince gathered at this place with men for an event that included archery and music. See also 450.

353
This divination is the same as 453.2; the latter has the dative preposition yu 于 “to” before “His Highness”. is the object of the verb 見(獻), and this recommends that is a noun and refers to the Yi-day rite. The phrase 獻 means to present the king with sanctified meat from the animals that were recently sacrificed and carved for this ritual. See the discussion of Yao Xuan 2005: 372, note 1. This type of redistribution of sanctified meat ought to have been different from “contributing meat”入肉 (113, 237, 490).

354
ZSKY 2003, Zhu Qixiang, and Yao Xuan all read 癸巳爵 “Day Guisi: Will offer ale in jue-cup.”

355
The receipt notation “Thirty” (shells) is also recorded on 158, 225, 250, 287, 348, 357, 360, 389, 438, 462, and 497; 12 sets of 30 shells equals 360. None of these receipt notations are marked with a point of origin or any other delivery information.

356
Lin Huan and Sun Yabing (2010: 122) locate Yang near Pang 龐, which they locate around Hancheng, Shaanxi 陝西韓城一帶, but there is scant evidence in support. In Wu Ding’s divinations this place was the location chosen as a meeting point for Lady Hao 婦好and the duo fu 多婦 “Many Ladies” (HJ 2658); for other records of Lady Hao at Yang, see HJ 5111 and HJ 39562.

357
This verification means that the exorcism was made at Lai. The divination about it was made at Yang.

358
Yao Xuan’s transcription reads 又as 右 “right”.

359
Perhaps to be associated with 480.5. But see 87 too.

360
Trader Zhu occurs in Wu Ding’s divinations from both the Bin and Li diviner groups; see HJ 9650, Tunnan 2438 and Tunnan 1047. As the name of a lineage, Jao Tsung-I (2010: 11) reads it Peng 彭 (in Warring States script 壴writes the word 彭 (Baoshan, strip 1)) and suggests it was west-northwest of Shang and close to Zhou 周 (sw Shanxi) and the Horse Territory 馬方 (central west Shanxi); see Yingcang 2425, HJ 6 and Zhouyuan OBI H11:20 and H11:117. See too Han Jiangsu and Jiang Linchang 2010: 463-465.

361
I read the phrase you kou 有口as an abbreviation of you kou ji 有口疾 “there is/have mouth sickness”; see 149.8, 220.2 and 247.6. In the HYZ OBI the word “illness” is often omitted but implied; for instance, the phrase Zi shou ji 子首疾 “Our lord’s head illness” on 446.5, is written 子疾首 “Our lord’s sickened head” on 304, but is abbreviated 子首 “Our lord’s head” and without the word “sick 疾” on 446.6. For an alternative explanation that it means misfortune caused by speaking inaccurately or saying something that one should not have said, see Li Xueqin 2009: 1-4.

362
Qiu 求 is a pictograph of an earthworm and the ancestral form of qiu 蛷 (Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.274-284). Shang scribes use it as phonetic loan for jiu 咎 “fault, error”.

363
For jian 見 as a technical term referring to the “appearance” of a divination crack, see Shen Pei 2008: 66-74.

364
also occurs on 114 and 156v. Western Zhou scribes use this same graph, , as an alternative form to write the word gui 鬼 “demon” (in the noun compound “Demon territory” Guifang 鬼方 on the Liang bo ge 梁伯戈 (JC 11346)), and this confirms that gui is the sound value in the OBI form. “有心” ought to be equivalent in meaning to “有鬼心” on 88.14.

365
For the reading of as an early form of li 戾, see Song Huaqiang, cited in GuLin bubian, 545-550. Qiu Xigui (cited in GuLin bubian, 539-540) reads it as a loan for you 憂 “grief, sorrow”.

366
The double 子here is a scribal error.

367
Si 司is a phonetic loan for si 嗣 “inherit, carry on” (Yao Xuan 2006: 119-124).

368
I read yu 于 as a dative preposition and Shi 史as a rank; see HYZ 114. An alternative reading is that it is a place name and the preposition was locative. The name Shi occurs on receipts (133, 231); see 150 as well.

369
The words “behead” and “announce by written record”, which often occur in exorcism divinations, suggest to read as 禦 “exorcise”. Although content is missing before 子, based on other exorcism divinations the recipient might be the deceased spirit Guizi 癸子.

370
composed of “arrow” shi 矢 inside a case, and writes the word han 函 “tongue; (arrow) case”. (函is a cognate of han 含 “what is inside the mouth” > “to contain”.) 函in its primary sense of “arrow case” occurs on the Xiaochen Qiang 小臣墻 bone document (HJ 36481rv). Here, as the object of ru “to contribute” and in the context of killing cows, it should be read “tongue” (Yao Xuan 2016: 106-110); Shuowen jiezi: 函, 舌也。象形…肣，俗函从肉、今 “Han means the tongue. It is a pictograph…the graph han 肣 is a common form of han 函; it is spelled with 肉 (meat/flesh classifier) and 今.”

371
Yin occurs as a place name on 53 in association with several place that were likely located in southwestern Shanxi. This divination can be synchronized with 118, which takes place 23 days later. A person with the name Xi Bo Yin 息伯引 (HJ 20086 [Zi 子-diviner]) occurs in Wu Ding period royal family group divinations.

372
and are almost certainly variants writing the same name; for the latter, see 39.17. occurs again on HYZ 130 as a contributor of zithers (/zither players) for a musical performance hosted by the prince and attended by Ding.

373
: The graph’s form reduplicates chen 臣 (禪initial 真-rime) and adds a grass classifier protruding out from the top. Perhaps it is a variant of (416). As a verb, Yu Xingwu (2009: 2728) reads as zeng 贈 “send, gift”. The negative fu 弗 in front of it means it is functioning as a verb and is the result of “capture”. It also indicates that the issue being divined about is out of the prince’s control.

374
depicts a right hand holding a type of weapon, and there is a fire element at the top. I take it as a variant form of (HJ 26631), which is written with a right hand holding an element that resembles the graph xin 辛 and triples “fire”. As for the difference in what is in the right hand, a comparison can be drawn with variants of long 龍 “dragon” written both as (HJ 4654) and (HJ 27021). In early script, writing a signifier once and reduplicating it can have the same meaning. Yu Xingwu (2009: 88-89) first identified as the ancestral form of xie 燮, and 燮is synonymous with fa 伐 “to attack”, as in the Shijing, “Da ming”大明(Mao 236): 燮伐大商 “attack Great Shang”, and Cao Bo fu 曹伯簠 (JC 4631-32): (燮)伐繁陽 “Attack Fanyang”. Ma Ruichen’s (1777-1853) Tongshi 通釋 commentary to the Shijing line says that 燮 should be read as a phonetic loan for xi 襲 “attack.”

375
(左) is a pictograph of the left hand. I read it here in its derived sense, “contrary”; duo zuo 多左 is a noun phrase, “much opposition”; for 左as “contrary”, see 361.1 and GuLin bubian 249-253. Zhouyuan OBI use the coda 囟(思)正亡左 “Would that it be correct and without opposition” (H11:82).

376
(肩) is a pictograph of a cattle scapula; “shoulder” is the word’s primary meaning. In Old Chinese it is used as a rebus to write a word that means “can” or “be able” (Shuowen jiezi: 克, 肩也). Oracle bone inscriptions use the verb phrase jian xing 肩同(興)/ke xing 克興, as in 婦好肩同(興)有疾 “Lady Hao will be able to recover from this illness” (HJ 709r) and 亞克興有疾 “Ya-officials can recover from this illness” (HJ 13754); see Qiu Xigui 2012.1: 473-484. Here “肩若” is comparable to “肩興/克興”. As it does elsewhere in the corpus, ruo 若 means shan 善 “good” or jili 吉利 “favorable”.

377
Duo Yin 多尹 are administrators. Dong Zuobin (1936:122) explains 尹 as being equivalent in meaning to jun 君 “leader, ruler”; see too Li Xueqin 1983. The group of people referred to as the Many Commanders occur several times in the HYZ OBI: once they were summoned by the protagonist to contribute jades to the king (196); and another time, they were summoned to hunt for pigs. Both instances take place abroad. The activity being spoken about here is a royal hunt including the king.

378
(囟), a pictograph of the cranium, is used in its original sense on 125. When this graph occurs as a sentence-initial I agree with Edward L. Shaughnessy (Xia Hanyi) (1989, 2012) who reads it as a phonetic loan for si 思 “to hope, (optative) would that”. Shaughnessy notes that one of its distinguishing features is to introduce the final proposition of a compound divination charge; for other instances, see 395+548.10, 401.12 and 409.12. It occurs frequently in Zhouyuan OBI, for instance: 囟(思)有正 (H11:1), 囟(思)正亡左(H11:82) and 囟(思)亡咎(H31:3). It is important to emphasize here that divinations with this sentence-initial were not questions. (Shaughnessy says they were wishes.)

379
is listed in the Shuowen jiezi: 音忽, 拜從此 “Pronounced hu. (The graph) bai is from this”. This graph occurs in compounds used to write the words zou 奏, bai 拜 and bi 賁. (賁occurs in Western Zhou bronze inscriptions as a phonetic loan for bai 百.) Ji Xiaojun (1991) suggests it is the ancestral form of 夲, which the Shuowen jiezi says is “read like tao 滔”; since 滔 and dao 禱 “pray” had the same pronunciation, and since the word usually occurs in divinations about the harvest, hunting and rain, Ji proposes to read it as 禱. (The Shuowen jiezi defines 禱 as 告事求福 “Announce matters (to the spirits) to seek good fortune”.) See 409.9.

380
(=mian 面) is a deictic pictograph graph that uses 首 “head” as its base image and adds a curved stroke running from the forehead down to the nose to indicate the “face”, mian 面; see Yao Xuan 2005: 132. The word appears two more times in the corpus: at 195.2: 呼微面見于婦好; and at 226.7: 歲妣庚牡一。子占曰：面囗自來,多臣(殺). In the former, and before the verb jian/xian 見,I read it as a verb, “to face”, although alternatives are to take it as a compound verb with 見,“see, have audience (with)”, or even as an adverb, “in person”; in the latter, the ZSKY editors read the graph after 面 as Qiang 羌 (noun), and if this can be trusted, it recommends that it was functioning as a verb. (面羌 would then be parallel with 面多尹 here.) The phrase “mian bu sheng 面不升” occurs in the “Pinli” 聘禮chapter of the Yili 儀禮, and Yang Tianyu’s commentary (2007: 256) says, “面 is just like di 覿”. The “Pinyi”聘義chapter of the Liji 禮記also has the sentence “Bin simian sidi 賓私面私覿”, and Lu Deming’s Shiwen commentary glosses 覿as jian 見 “to see, be admitted to (private) audience”.
The sequence of divinations above stem from (10)-(11). The king had a nightmare about potential misfortune on an upcoming hunt and it implicated the Many Commanders. The prince, as as result, is trying to determine is how to lower the odds that the hunt would go smoothly and that no participants would have calamity or injury. Here he pledges a forty count of cattle and will say a prayer; divinations (16), (18) and (19) propose different quantities and different animal categories.

381
The meaning of this divination account is not entirely clear but the sense is that the prince proposes to putting forty head of cattle on account on behalf of and for the protection of the Many Commanders. Ancestress Geng is the identified recipient, cattle are the objects to be offered, and the Many Commanders are the people identified as potential victims on the upcoming hunt.

382
is a phonogram composed of a right hand + quan 泉 “spring” (phonetic). It is almost certainly a variant of (Tunnan 1111). Huang Tianshu (cited in GuLin bubian, 518) reads it duan 剬 “cut”. 剬is an ancient form of tuan/zhuan 剸 “cut, dismember”. An alternative reading is that it is the name of a tribe.

383
: For the reading of bao 虣, see the commentary to 14. This graph replaces “tiger 虎” with “pig 豕”. On 363 it occurs as transitive verb with 大獸 “large wild animal” as its object.

384
An alternate reading is “Our lord has recovered from this illness.”

385
The transcription follows Sun Yabing 2011a: 36, note 2. “Starting from Bing” perhaps should be explained as starting (a ritual action like exorcism rites) from Bing-day ancestors. The problem is the missing graphs after 子and before 惠.

386
As a modifier for livestock “sheng 生” means newborns, just as the oracle bone phrase sheng yue 生月means “new moon (/month)”. The phrase yi sheng 以生 “take newborns” occurs on 488.2.

387
御史 is often read 御事, and explained as officers or servicemen who handled various sorts of affairs “左右用事的臣子”. (Xu Jinxiong (2001: 12. 212-218) defines it “御事為天子治事之臣”.) People called 御事occur frequently in the Shangshu, and Yang Junru (2005: 237) explains the term as, “officers who handle affairs for regional lords 諸侯執政用事之臣”. In the Shijing (for instance “Song gao” 崧高 (Mao 259)), the Mao commentary glosses 御as 治事之官 “an officer who handles affairs”. The graph (御) is most frequently used write the word 禦 “defend, exorcise, protect” in divinations about exorcism rites and sending troops to “defend the border” yu fang 御(禦)方. Since officers called 御史were clearly associated with military affairs (see for instance HJ 28089r, HJ 1075rv, HJ 1078, and HJ 4203), I propose to read 御史as “defense officers” 御(禦)史.

388
As the object of the preposition yu 于 and before the compound noun 御史, 歲 is a modifier and a place name. The phrase “yu Sui yushi 于歲御史” (prep. + place name + title) is grammatically parallel with zai Qiao mu 在巧牧 “Herdsmen at Qiao” (HJ 32616, HJ 35240).

389
Tunnan 866 calls this place a “territory” (fang 方), which means an area outside of the Shang royal domain.

390
For this reading, see Yu Xingwu 2009: 23-25.

391
Wang Tao (2007: 547) reads this verb as pi 劈and translates it as “stripping up” (= to flay). See also 493.7-8.

392
Ji refers to Ji Nai 乃; see 11.1. here is a verb. I follow Li Xueqin (1999) in reading it as a variant of rong 戎.

393
Compare Qianbian 7.19.2: 在敦圉羌 “Qiang at Dun’s prison”.

394
There is no divination crack near this word, and this suggests it was a notation of some kind. ZSKY 2003 reads it as a name, and explains it as a delivery receipt. The same notations occur on 173 and 367. There are similar examples with the names Mao 卯 (23, 60, 146, 318, 396) and Ding 鼎 (249; on the verso side is the notation “30”). These three words only occur on the recto sides of turtle plastrons and are not written close to any divination cracks. Perhaps they referred to people—scribes or diviners, who were associated with the divination workshop; see 23.1 and commentary.

395
This graph resembles later spellings of shang 上 “above”. A word with a similar graphic form occurs on a Zhou period dagger-axe (ge 戈): “邯鄲” (JC 10996). Here it is most likely to be interpreted as a delivery receipt. It is the name of the person or place that sent the shell in.

396
Sōran 4174 lists various readings put forth by scholars over the past hundred years: kou 寇, zai 宰, sou 叟(搜) and pu 僕. David Keightley (2012: 64-65) suggests 僕 and translates it as “servant, follower, groom”. He says that a group of men called by this name formed a branch of the military. I follow the interpretations of Wang Entian and Shi Bing (cited in GuLin bubian, 498-500) that this word refers to a type of worker, and more specifically that they are associated with construction work; see 286 and commentary.

397
: Both the ZSKY 2003 transcription and Yao Xuan’s transcription have a symbol here indicating one missing graph. Nearly all of the graph’s form remains in both the rubbing and photograph, and it seems rather straightforward to read it qi 气(乞) “request”. Delivery receipts write qi 气as (444) and (483).

398
Another interpretation is to read 丁王婦 separately as “His Highness (and) the Majestic Lady”.

399
Another interpretation is to read 金子 as a reverse writing of 子金 “lord Jin”.

400
Rejoined by Mo Bofeng 2009.

401
Compare this to HJ 299: 戊寅卜，爭貞：殺，王徝，于之若 “Divining on Wuyin, Zheng tested: Making killings, the king will examine (them), (for) in that will be favorable.”

402
is composed of ye 頁 “head”, an element on top of the head that appears to be a feather, and qiang 爿 “bed”. Song Zhenhao (2006: 12, cited in GuLin Bubian, NO33: 907) interprets the “feather” as an abbreviated spelling of hui 彗and reads the graph as a variant form of hui “recover” (said of illness). ( is written (HJ 13861) by other Wu Ding period scribes.) Shi Bing (2010, cited in GuLin bubian, NO33: 908) interprets the “feather” as a decorative element and proposes the graph is zhuang 狀 “shape, image”, which in Warring States script is written with 首 and 爿 as (Guodian, Laozi, strip 21). The classifiers 首and 頁 were interchangeable in early script; for instance, the Shuowen jiezi lists as the zhouwen form of 頤 “jaws”.

403
is likely a graphic variant of , which on 178 occurs in combination with and before lang 琅 “beads”; on 490.2 a graph written occurs in combination with and before bi 璧 “jade circlet”. I read all three graphs as writing the same word. The syntax here seems to be missing a verb after the adverb/modal particle qi. The element in Western Zhou script is used as the sound element to write hou 厚 “thick”. Reading 厚 makes sense as an adjective on 178 and 490, “thick jade”, and a rule of coherency recommends to read it the same way here.

404
ZSKY 2003 reads 庚 as a personal name, and as the object of ling 令 “to command”: “command Geng, calling (him)…” This is possible, as the name Geng does occur on a delivery receipt (362). However, it seems straightforward that the judgment is concerned with days of the week and the days mentioned there appear to be responding to day Geng in the charge statement; this syntax can be compared with Jiabian 243 (= HJ 20462): 戊申卜: 王令庚追方 “Divined on Wushen: The king commands, on day Geng, to pursue (men from the) Territory”; Qu Wanli’s commentary says that 庚 in this divination refers to day Geng.

405
Perhaps this word is related to the oracle bone graph , which is usually explained as a variant of yin 尹 “commander, lord” (Jao Tsung-I 1959: 307). Oracle bone inscriptions record a group of people called “Many 多”, and Jao Tsung-I interprets it as another way of writing “Many Yin 多尹”; Takashima (2010: II.241) says it is an official title. Wu Ding’s divination accounts record a person called Elder 伯; see Sun Yabing and Lin Huan 2010: 438-49. The use of skulls/heads ancestor worship (for instance HJ 28092: 用危方甶于妣庚，王賓 “using skulls of the Wei territory to Ancestress Geng, the king will host”) is almost certainly associated with beheading ceremonies (see Yibian 5395).

406
The transcription and reordering of this sequence follows Sun Yabing 2011a: 149.

407
For the identification of as se 瑟 “zither”, see Xu Baogui 2006: 155-172, cited in GuLin Bubian, NO35: 910-911. The writing of it with 大 “adult man” suggests that it actually means zither players; see 374.4. The phrase “er se 二瑟” in the “Yan li” 燕禮chapter of the Yili 儀禮 means two zither players and not two zithers.

408
The HYZ prince was almost certainly the recipient of this tooth exorcism, since he was the only person in the HYZ OBI who is ever recorded having had a toothache; this divination is associated with 163 and 395.7, and perhaps also 28 and 284.4. On 163, an exorcism rite for a toothache was also directed at Ancestress Geng. 395.7 announced the prince’s toothache as part of a sacrificial rite to another female ancestor, Ancestress Wu 妣戊.

409
For the meaning of gui 歸as “return”, see “call men to return” 呼人歸 (249) and “return the horses” 歸馬 (412).

410
A late Shang-early Western Zhou period cemetery belonging to members of the Shi 史lineage was discovered near Tengzhou, Shandong 山東滕州; see He Jingcheng 2007: 149-155; A009: 346-348.

411
This same receipt occurs on 242, 417 and 447. Forty shells in all were delivered from this place/lineage.

412
The word mu 母 in Shang-Western Zhou vocabulary has the following meanings and usages: 1a) mother (349.17, 290.1, 320.2, etc.); 1b) aunt, as in waimu 外母 (294.5); 2) spouse (Zhao Lin 2018: 129; and 3) an appellation for females after a personal name. (For males, the word was fu 父/甫; see Wang Guowei 1959: 3.164.) People whose names occurred in the divination formula “person’s name (subject) + coda wang bu ruo 亡不若” were living; see Song Huaqiang 2009: 133 and Song Zhenhao 2010: 448. The name Jimu 季母occurs only here, but the name Ji 季occurs four times on 249. A correspondence between these two names and the fact that 139.7 and multiple divinations on 249 were made at the same location, Dun (see following note), recommends these two shells formed set (or part of a larger set) and Jimu and Ji were the same person.

413
Li Xueqin (2008: 182) locates Dun on the western banks of the Qin River 沁河. See 249. On 467, Dun is the name of a person.

414
For Da, see 76.2 and commentary.

415
On 178 the graph used to write “ascend” is zhi 陟. The Erya lists the following words as synonyms: zhi 騭. jia 假, ge 格, zhi 陟, ji 躋, deng 登, and sheng 陞也. I read sheng 升 here as 陞. The phrase sheng sui 升歲 occurs frequently in the divination accounts of Wu Ding, Zu Geng, and Zu Jia (period I-IIab), but only occurs in the HYZ OBI on this one shell. This suggests that the HYZ prince was not regularly tasked with performing this ritual action. The identification of 升 follows Jao Tsung-I (1959: 377), who calls attention to a parallel with the OBI phrase 陟歲. I read both 升歲and 陟歲 literally as [subject] ascends [to higher place] to make sacrifice; the alternative is that “sacrifice” is the object of these verbs read in the causative mode, “cause sacrifice to go up [to spirit recipient]”.

416
Ancestress Geng (451), Ancestor Wu (316↔355.5) and Child Gui (459.8) are the only ancestors who received dog sacrifices in the Huayuanzhuang East divinations.

417
The transcription follows Sun Yabing 2011a: 160, note 3.

418
Song Zhenhao (2010: 465-66) suggests that the word 伐 refers to a military formation, and the numbers in front of it refer to the amount of men.

419
A comparison with (179) and (386.4) confirms that, although in this particular instance are written separately and in a vertical orientation taking up the space of two graphs, they should in fact be read as spelling one word. The classifier is “horse” and the component on the left of the horse in 179 and 386 is the sound value. The sound value is ji and not he is written with a protrusion off the stem of the plant, represented by a deictic circle, and depicts a malignant growth or “tumour” 瘤. Under the listing of the word hui 瘣 “diseased (plant/tree)”, the Shuowen jiezi cites a line from the Shijing poem “Xiao bian”小弁 (Small cap) that reads 譬彼瘣木 “I am like that diseased tree”, and adds that its meaning is a growth protruding from the side. The corresponding line in the received version of the Shijing has huai 壞 “bad, rotten” in place of 瘣. On 386 this word occurs opposite “black horses”, and is modified by “small”. I read this graph as writing the word zhui 騅 “piebald”; see the Shijing poem “Jiong” 駉 (Stallions).

420
The composition of the graph is qu 臦 (phonetic) over chu 琡 “large jade tablet”. Yang Zhou (2007) reads it qu 瞿 “lance”. The graph qu 瞿 occurs in the phrase zhi qu 執瞿“grasping a lance” in the “Gu ming” 顧命 chapter of the Shangshu. In that text qu 瞿is occurs in conjunction with the other weapon types yue 鉞 “axe” kui 戣 “lance” and liu 劉. See 289.1.

421
The reading here of “evening” follows Sun Yabing 2011a: 156, note 4.

422
Huang Tianshu (2006: 405) reads pi 皮 “skin” as a phonetic loan for the demonstrative pronoun bi 彼 “that, there”.

423
The force of the adverb “finally”, here on a divination dated day 60/60, responds to previous unsuccessful divinations about using this bow on 37.14-19, dated day 42/60 the week before.

424
Divinations (3)-(5) can be synchronized with 86↔87↔209↔247↔336↔487. 487.2 and 336.1 record the exact same divination statement but add two separate and complementary formal prognostications that predicted affliction for a participant during the practice session; this turned out to be lord Bi. A total of ten divination cracks over three shells (487, 336, 150) were made on day Jiayin about this issue. 209↔336 record divinations made later the same week about whether or not to announce lord Bi’s ailment during sacrificial offerings or to just directly perform an exorcism for him.

425
Like the Jiayin divination set earlier the same week, on day Bingchen diviners also made a total of ten cracks over three shells (150, 86.1, 382) about this related issue.

426
Ding xiao jian 丁小艱 can be compared with Zi jian 子艱 “Our lord’s affliction” on HYZ 43.

427
It is a common in oracle bone scribal practice to record divination utterances on the recto side of a shell and a corresponding prognostication or verification on the verso side. Most of the content on the recto side of 155 has been erased, and the only inscription that remains is the first part of (5). The inscription on the verso side is on the same side of the shell as divination (5), and this suggests that the content on the verso was a judgment.

428
( ): This graph also occurs on 294. The inner component is shuai 率, which the Shuowen jiezi defines as a net for capturing birds. The outside component might be 匚, which the Shuowen jiezi defines as a container. (The alternative is that it is the frame of the net.) Elsewhere in these inscriptions the writing of shuai without 匚functions as an adverb, “all” (237.15).

429
Jia Zu 甲祖 is likely a reverse spelling of Zu Jia 祖甲 “Ancestor Jia” in divination (4).

430
Yao Xuan’s commentary to 262 reads 月 as the name of a month, but she does not offer further explanation. Non-numerical month names are poorly understood in the oracle bone inscriptions and there are no other occurrences of this term elsewhere. The divination utterance creates time constraints, from the sixth day of the current month until the following month, and this leads me to suggest that ( ), which is the ancestral form of chou 疇 (定-initial 幽-rime) “a bank between fields > to separate from”, refers to time.

431
This word also occurs in a divination account about Qiang captives on 215.1.

432
For an annotated reading and discussion of this divination account, see Schwartz 2013. In that paper I proposed to read yun si 云兕 as the personal name of the protagonist, Zi “our lord”, and confirmed yu zu 毓祖 “Near Ancestor” and zu 祖 “Ancestor” both referred to his grandfather, Ancestor Yi 祖乙. I noted rao meant “drunk and unruly”, and explained that the prayer-maker was imploring the ancestral spirit not to disturb the living. While I still think this reading is reasonable, it is worth it here to explore an alternative interpretation, namely that 云兕was a type of sacrificial animal, and the prayer was being spoken to two recipients, Ancestor Yi (called here “Near Ancestor”) and Ancestor Jia (called here only “Ancestor”). Shang oracle bone inscriptions record a place called Yun 云 “Cloud”, and “Yun’s buffalo” would then correspond with “black bull” mentioned earlier. Ancestor Yi undoubtedly corresponded to the “Near Ancestor” in the prayer (the prince’s grandfather). In my 2013 paper I parsed the prayer text as, 子祝曰毓且(祖)，非曰云兕正且(祖)。隹(唯)曰彔侐不有擾.Ancestor Yi and Ancestor Jia are referred to in other Huayuanzhuang East divination records as the “Two Ancestors” (er zu 二祖; see 162 immediately below, HYZ 7 and 411), and they were often sacrificed to jointly. As such, the sacrifice, offerings, and prayer could be referring to a prayer directed at both ancestors. “Ancestor” could be referring to Ancestor Jia. The plea for this ancestor to remain calm and to not create a disturbance could correspond to the offering of aromatic ale. If this reading is pursued, the prayer would be parsed and translated, 子祝曰毓且(祖)，非曰云兕正。且(祖)， 隹(唯)曰彔侐不有擾 “Our lord will pray saying, Near Ancestor! It is not to be said, (sacrificing) a buffalo from Yun is correct. Ancestor (Jia)! It is to be said, in the evening be calm! There is to be no drunkenness!” Zhu Qixiang (2006: 987) first proposed these correspondences between Ancestor Yi/Near Ancestor, Yun Buffalo/black bull, and aromatic ale 鬯/ (he says this graph wrote a word that meant a type of aromatic liquor); regrettably I neglected to cite his work earlier.

433
“Two Ancestors” refers to Ancestor Jia and Ancestor Yi; see 7.2 and 411.

434
Xian 臽 (>陷) is etymologically related to kan 坎 “pit”, xian 險 “fall into; dangerous”, and han 函 “to contain, tongue”; Axel Schuessler (2007: 530) defines it: “small pit” (as a trap), “get trapped”, “fall into (a pitfall)”. HJ 22278 [Zi I] has a similar syntax: 丁丑卜：子啟臽亡戾 “Divined on Dingchou: Zi Qi will fall into danger, (but) there will be no misfortune.” Western Zhou bronze inscriptions have the phrase 陷(/險/函)于難(/艱) “fall into danger”, for instance the Buqi gui 不其簋 (JC 4328): 戎大同從追汝，汝及戎大敦搏，汝休，弗以我車陷于難 “Enemy warriors came together in a large group, followed and pursued you. You reached the enemy, greatly attacking and battling (them). You did well, not causing our chariots to fall into any danger”; Shi Xun gui 師詢簋: 欲汝弗以乃辟函于艱 “(I) hope you will not cause your ruler to fall into any danger.”

435
The charge has been omitted. It was almost certainly the same divination statement as (2), that the king would host/would not host an upcoming Yi rite.

436
The ten cracks made about this divination statement is the highest count in the entire corpus. (HYZ 310, a 9 cm x 7 cm scapula fragment, has a divination account with two cracks numbered 9 and 10.) The shell has a small hole-shaped fracture in between the words 一 “one” and 巛 “calamity”, and part of 巛has been nicked off. The ZSKY editors suggest that only a single graph is missing, and based on context the missing graph would likely have been the negative wang 亡 “not have”.

437
This single word is the only writing on this intact shell. It occurs in the right section of the entoplastron (zhong jia 中甲) and along the central dividing line. The lack of a corresponding divination crack implies that it is either a type of receipt notation (Sun Yabing 2011a: 255) or graphitti. The phrase 自鳥 “from Niao” occurs outside of the HYZ OBI and is recorded on HJ 9438 and HJ 8241v; HJ 8240v [Model Bin scribal type] mentions the place “Niao” and the person 由友 “You You”: 取由友于鳥 “Get You You in Niao”. This “You You” is almost certainly the same person who features prominently in this corpus.

438
: This graph resembles the inside of the graph used to write the word hou (厚) “thick”. Tang Lan (1981: 32) explains the graph’s image as a container with a large mouth and slender neck. Here the word looks like a noun since it is followed by the noun connector 眔 and a second noun, beads. It occurs again on 490.2 in front of “serrated jade circlet (牙)璧”, and packaged as a gift to the king together with pointed jade tablets (gui 圭). There I read it as a modifier “thick 厚”. I propose to read it here in this same way, as a modifier, and suggest that the word bi 璧has been omitted, but is implied.

439
I read this graph as liang 良, which is ancestral form of lang 琅(瑯). It is defined in the Shuowen jiezi as a stone resembling a pearl.

440
Based on HYZ 37.5, the recipient of the gifts mentioned in 178.1-3 is the king.

441
Sun Yabing (2011a: 108) emends the crack notation “6”.

442
For a discussion of huang 衁 “blood; blood offering rite”, see Yao Xuan 2005: 124-126. Yao explains zhi 陟 as “to offer” and 衁 as its noun object, “blood”. This is certainly possible, and if so, 陟could be translated in the causative mode, “to make ascend” > “send up”. I read both words as procedural verbs, and understand 陟as literally ascending to a higher place to offer the blood. See the commentary to the phrase sheng sui 升歲 on 142.

443
I read fa 發 here as a verb, “to shoot”; this usage occurs on HYZ 252: 其(發)于 “Should shoot in Liu*”, and HJ 20040: 子其(發)于 “Our lord should shoot in…”. Qiu Xigui (2012: 1.140-154) says 發is synonymous with she 射 “to shoot [with bow and arrow]”; see too Schuessler 2007: 228. The alternative reading is that it refers to Fa, one of the prince’s servitors.

444
The reading of “ewe” follows Sun Yabing 2011a: 174, note 3.

445
Perhaps this is the same person that appears on 125.1, and perhaps this person was a member of the duo yin 多尹 “Many Commanders”; see 113, 196 and 352; see Wei Cide 2006: 88.

446
is read wan/huan 萈. The Shuowen jiezi lists and defines it as, “A mountain ram with thin horns. (The graph’s composition) is from rabbit’s feet; the phonetic is …read like wan 丸.” The horns over the eye are ram horns; see 338.

447
An alternative reading is: “If our lord continues to rest tomorrow, day Yi, (it) will be favorable.”

448
Yao Xuan interprets what follows the word yue 曰as a judgment, and reads qiu 求as a phonetic loan for jiu 咎 “fault”—曰: 有求(咎)非虞 “There is fault, (but) it does not mean [one] will be upset.” See 53, 286 and 384. I understand 曰有求 as part of the charge; the subject will hunt for a reason. Fei yu 非虞 is the coda, and the anticipated result of 子其往田曰有求. The coda is grammatically equivalent with codas used in other divinations, for instance fei kan 非侃 (234) and fei jian 非艱 (5); it is the converse of the coda wei yu 唯虞 (300). Divinations (1)-(5) in this sequence can likely be synchronized with 3↔409 to form a three-shell set. The background is that Zi 子will rest with the king on day Yi and the prince’s diviners want to ensure that their lord going off to hunt will not cause the king to be upset. “There is a need” is the explanation to be stated.

449
The charge is undoubtedly the converse of the previous divination (181.4). What follows “Do not wait” appears to be an unmarked judgment. It was decided that the prince would hunt after the libation was over.

450
The graph is a compound written with ge 戈 “dagger axe” + xin 心 “heart”. Tang Lan (1999: 120) reads it te 忒, which Shuowen jiezi defines as to change (geng 更).

451
is composed with a right hand 又 and bu 不written upside down. 不 is a pictograph of “roots”, and in this compound it has both a phonetic and semantic value. Combining the right hand with the phono-semantic 不 writes the word ba 拔 “uproot”. In the HYZ OBI it is the name of a song and dance; see divinations (23)-(27) on this shell.

452
This word also occurs on 183 and there it takes Ancestress Ding as its object. Wang Guowei (cited in Gulin #3209) reads it shu 餗. Takashima (2010: I.786) translates it as “(food) offering”. Gao Heng’s commentary (2010: 315) to the Yijing line statement fu gong shu 覆公餗 “Overturn the duke’s stew” (Hexagram “Ding”鼎) says “vegetables in broth and porridge can all be called 餗.”

453
Wang yan 亡言 “not have/without words” is the opposite of you yan 有言 “have words”: 丙寅夕卜：子有言在宗 “Divined in the evening of Bingyin: Our lord will have words in the ancestral temple” (234.1); 有言妣庚 “will have words (to/for) Ancestress Geng” (490.6).

454
The preface in this divination account is 小卜不吉，貞. The text before the word zhen 貞 “tested” is the result of the previous divinations (32)-(33). The diviner is testing why the previous divinations about sacrificing some small pen-raised sheep to Child Gui were unlucky. Prefaces in this format are rare (see HYZ 123 + Jiyi 561), and in this particular case the reason it was recorded might have had to do with orientation and the layout of the inscriptions, since the location of (35) is far removed from the divinations it intended to test on this densely inscribed bone.

455
Er bu 二卜: I read this phrase in the same way I do when it occurs on 102: 二卜有求(咎)， 唯見 “The second divination [crack] has fault; it has appeared.” Song Zhenhao (2010: 635-639) thinks phrases in the formula “number + bu 卜” refer to the number of shells or bones used to make the divination; Jao Tsung-I (1959: 65-70) lists examples of this formula that go up to six. Following Song’s interpretation the divination utterance would read, “Use two [shells] to divine (about)…” Shang diviners repeated divinations that were unsuccessful or required recertification, and one of the divination formulas for doing so was “xi 習 + number + bu 卜” (Jao Tsung-I 1959: 66, Qiu Xigui 2012: I.425-426); in this formula, 二卜 also meant “second divination”, and referred to a second divination crack in an earlier divination sequence.

456
言子興 is parallel with 言 “have words with/about Pou” (285).

457
For the reading of as a variant of 及 “reach”, see Yao Xuan 2005: 89-93. A second variant occurs on 290 written with “rain” 雨 and not he 禾. Warring States script writes it with hand grasping a rice stalk and omitting the man’s body: (Guodian, Tang Yu zhidao 唐虞之道, strip 24). Other variant spellings from this period abbreviated the stalk to a barely recognizable minimum, for instance in Guodian, Chengzhi 成之 (strip 27). Huayuanzhuang East scribes only use this variant when talking about time.

458
ZSKY 2003 and Yao Xuan both read as zhou 舟 “boat” (see too Xin Jiaguwen bian, 486). 舟in HYZ script is written different than this, as (255). Shang scribes did write “boat” in a vertical orientation (for instance: HJ 11461 [Bin 賓-type] and Tunnan 4052 [Li 歷-type]), but a more distinguishing feature is that the left and right “sideboards” of the boat were written in the same direction, whereas the sides of tong 同 “a tube-shaped container” (> tong 筒) usually move away from each other in the shape of 八 (see Xin Jiaguwen bian, 728). The Yijing has a hexagram (13/64 in the received version) named Tong ren 同人 “Assemble Men”. A theme of its line statements is about going to war. See HYZ 300 and commentary, and the commentary to 165.3 citing a passage on the Western Zhou bronze Buqi gui 不其簋.

459
is unidentified, but the phonetic presumably is chuan 川 “river”. Based on the context of this divination it is either the name of a place or the name of a group of people. Reading it as a place name then we have to assume that a preposition is missing in front of it. Oracle bone inscriptions do mention a place called Chuan 川, as well as “Chuan people 川人”; see citations in Jao Tsung-I 1959: 739.

460
is perhaps it is an allograph of Ge 戓; see 275 and 449.

461
In oracle bone script the word fu 腹 “stomach” was written pictographically with the addition of a deictic symbol “pointing” to the stomach, or like here, as a phonograph phoneticized with bi 畐 “a type of container for liquids”. See 416.10 and commentary for an instance where the graph bi 畐was used a phonetic loan to write the word fu 复 “return”. 畐, 腹 and 复 were all yu 魚-group rhymes (-a).

462
These two delivery-receipt notations are written on the verso of H3:567.

463
is written with the classifier 馬 “horse” + the phonetic gui 鬼; it is listed in the Shuowen jiezi: 騩, 馬淺黑色，從馬鬼聲.

464
is written in two orientations. There are three elements: hand (either right or left), foot (zhi 止) and a graph that resembles the word for “divine (< divination crack)” bu 卜. Regardless of whether it is written on the left or right of the shell the transverse stroke of “ 卜” runs towards the “hand”, and in all but one instance (divination (7)), the “foot” is angled at the “hand.” Since a characteristic feature of Huayuanzhuang scribal practice is to always write the word bu 卜with the transverse line pointing toward the center-divining line (or suture) (Yao Xuan 2006: 93-94), that only two of the six instances write “ 卜” in this way implies that this component is not 卜but a different element. I interpret it as an abbreviated spelling of 斦, the phonetic value in zhi 質 (in Western Zhou script written (JC 109)). I take “foot” zhi 止 as a classifier and the abbreviated zhi 斦as the phonetic, and read the graph as writing the word zhi 躓 “stumble, trip” (≈跌/顛).

465
Six divination cracks were made on the topic of whether or not a light black colored horse would stumble if ridden during the daytime. Not one of the divination cracks produced a judgment (yong 用). As I understand it, a diviner called Shou then made a test divination to determine the right course of action. For this reason, I have moved it to the end of the sequence. See HYZ 70 for a similar instance.

466
“Had audience” presumably meant with the king. An alternative is to read jian 見as xian 獻 “present”, i.e., “Our lord presented (the jades)”, with the sense being that in addition to holding up jades for the king to see, the prince also personally presented them (and did not have someone else do it on his behalf). See 237.12.

467
Huang Tianshu (2006: 452-453) reads mian 面as an adverb, “in person” (dangmian 當面), and Yao Xuan (2005: 132-133) reads 見 as as phonetic loan for xian 獻 “to present”. Following these interpretations, the phrase 面見(獻) means to present in person. See 113.15 and commentary.

468
It is possible that ru 入 should be read nei 內, and that the noun phrase nei ren 內人 refers to members of the prince’s household and perhaps also including his entourage. Wei 微was not part of the organization called “Our lord’s servitors”, and he appears to have been ordered by the king and queen to safeguard their son the prince. This is likely the reason a divination is being made proposing for Wei to “face and have audience about Lady Hao”. No other servitors were ever spoken about in this manner.

469
For a discussion of the person Wei 韋, see Jao Tsung-I 1959: 540-552.

470
The commentary to HYZ 39 offers a possible location for Xiang.

471
For the reading of sickle, see Qiu Xigui 1992: 38 and Sun Yabing 2011a: 176, note 2.

472
ZSKY 2003 has the graph 丁 “His Highness” before 侃 “happy”, but as Sun Yabing notes (2014: 190, note 1), it is not visible in the photograph. As such, it ought to be “our lord” 子, the subject of the initial clause, who the diviner anticipates being happy as a result of the contribution.

473
The coda 于之力 is grammatically parallel with yu zhi ruo 于之若. I read li 力 “force, power” as jia 嘉 “excellent, auspicious”. (The Erya lists 若and 嘉 as synonyms; see footnote 8.) Oracle bone divinations about childbirth often are phrased in the antithetical form, “Lady [personal name] will give birth. It will be auspicious [jia (嘉)]/it is not likely to be auspicious.” In royal family divination records performed on behalf of palace ladies (see Table 1 in the Introduction), scribes wrote the word jia 嘉 as li 力 (HJ 2815+22370; HJ40868). This is perhaps the most compelling evidence that the graph 力 could be used to write the word 嘉. See HYZ 87.1 and commentary for another oracle bone graph used to write the word 嘉.

474
ZSKY 2003 has , but it is clear from the photograph that the graph is spelled 鹿, without any 口 “mouth” elements (Sun Yabing 2014: 190, note 5).

475
This divination is likely to be synchronized with 492.1, dated Renyin (39/60); if so, then day Xin 辛in the preface was either Xinchou 辛丑 (38/60) or Xinhai 辛亥 (48/60). Combining the two accounts, Zi planned to meet Zhang at Lady Hao’s and to perform an exorcism for him there.

476
See the commentary to 37.23 for what type of food was covered by the word xiang 饗 according to later ritual texts. Kang Ding’s divination accounts (period III OBI) record feasting as as part of an exorcism rite to Xiao Yi’s (=Ancestor Yi in the HYZ OBI) spouse Ancestress Geng: 丁未卜，何貞：禦于小乙奭妣庚，其賓鄉(饗) “Divining on Dingwei, He tested: Performing an exorcism rite to Xiao Yi’s spouse Ancestress Geng, [the king] should host a feast” (HJ 27456/HJ27221).

477
is composed of a standing man with an emphasized eye (= shi 視) + 首 “head”. The graph does not occur elsewhere in Shang oracle bone inscriptions. The phrase mian jian 面見 however does occur elsewhere in this corpus (195), and this leads me to suggest that it should be read as a ligature, either writing 面見 or 面視.

478
An alternative is to read 女 as it is written, but in the plural— “women”, and meaning “women” of the house. For the graph 女as writing the word 母—and then as a rebus for the negative 毋, see 208.3.

479
Perhaps meaning “continue” to make test divinations about other people; see 339 and 441. A less likely alternative is to read the word as the name of a person.

480
is likely the ancestral form of zhuan 轉 “whorl”, to be read here as a phonetic loan for zhu 助 “assist” (Li Xueqin 2011: 2). It is an elaborated form of the modal copula hui 叀. This same graph occurs parallel with you 右 “assist” in the Western Zhou bronze inscription Lu Bo Dong gui 录伯冬簋 (JC 4302): 右闢四方,叀(助) 大命 “Aided in opening up the four quarters; assisted in extending the great command.”

481
I read ji 棘 “thorns” as a phonetic loan for ji 戟 “trident”. The choice of 棘 as a loan for 戟was precisely because both had multiple branch protrusions that could stab (ci 刺). The definition for 戟in the Shuowen jiezi says: 戟, 有枝兵也…《周禮》：戟，長丈六尺。讀若棘 “Ji is a branched weapon…The Zhou Li: ‘Ji, a long stick of six feet.’ Read like ji 棘”. This Eastern Han definition reveals an image association between 戟 “trident”, 枝 “branches” and 棘 “thorns”. According to the Da Dai Liji 大戴禮記 (“Xia Xiaozheng” 夏小正), performers called “Wan” 万 danced with weapons: 万也者, 干戚舞也 “Wan dance with shield and axe”; see 450.4 commentary.

482
Reading as ji 即 “to approach”.

483
I read “west” as the prepositioned object of the verb zhi 至 “to arrive”; compare with 亡其至南 “Not likely have arrival south” (159.2). 至is written upside down in these two divinations, and perhaps sportively to convey arriving at a place that is not where the diviner and his patron are located. It is written right side up in the divination immediately before it about whether affliction would befall Wei.

484
These two divinations both concern preparations for an exorcism over Wei’s eye to be directed at the deceased spirit Guizi; it can be synchronized with 226 and 427.

485
I read this graph as a variant of luan 亂 (see 159), to be read here as a loan for luan 攣 “entwined > linked and bound up” (連在一起). The Shuowen defines it as 系 “link, bound up, connected”. The meaning of 羌攣 is similar to you fu luan ru 有孚攣如 “There will be capture entwined-like” in the line statements of the Yijing hexagrams 中孚 “Zhongfu” (Captured in the Middle) and 小畜 “Xiao chu” (Small storage).

486
This divination account can be synchronized with 49 and concerns worship and sacrificial offerings to Ancestor Ding, Ancestor Yi’s father and the protagonist’s great-grandfather. Worship and offerings to Ancestor Ding were fixed to take place weekly on day Ding, but the prognostication predicted affliction for the prince should rites be carried out on the proposed Ding-chou (day 14/60). It was instead to be delayed until an Wu day, the closest one being the following day, Wuyin (day 15/60).

487
There are multiple interpretations of bai tun 白屯. The first is to read 白as it is, as the color term “white”, and 屯as a rebus for and as ancestral form of 純 “hem”.純often occurs in the gift registries of Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, as in: 玄衣屯(純) (Hu gui gai 虎簋蓋) “black jacket with white hem” (Edward Shaughnessy 2001-2002: 73-98); Wang Tao (2007: 548) translates it “white textiles.” See other instances at Yin Zhou jinwen jicheng yinde 3892: 11061109. A second reading, proposed by Cai Zhemao 2007, is to read 白as a misspelling of 百 “hundred” and 屯as the name of a people—“one hundred Tun”. I disagree with reading 白 as though it wrote 百 “hundred”. If 屯did in fact refer to a tribal or ethnic group, then it is comparable with bai Qiang 白羌 “White Qiang” (HJ 3410), which meant Qiang people with white skin (Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.307).

488
Divinations on HYZ 5, dated Yihai (day 12/60), concern whether or not the protagonist’s spouse should be dispatched to report to Lady Hao. Perhaps this Jiashen (day 21/60) day divination referred to the same dispatch.

489
Tang Lan (1999:31-32) identifies this graph as huo 鑊: n. “a type of cauldron” > v. “cook”; Erya: “煮之”; see also 324.1, 338.4 and 372.

490
All of the divinations in this sequence are trying to predict the date of a departure. From divinations (3)-(4) it can be deduced that the subject is the king. (The use of the negative 弗in divination (4) means it was an uncontrollable action from the perspective of the diviner.) See also 303.

491
Parallel syntax makes it clear that (貝) and ( ) are variants writing the same word. I read both as bei 貝 “cowrie”; the latter form appears to add bi 匕 as a phonetic complement. The same word occurs again on 229. These two shells were buried close to each other in Pit H3 and originally formed a set.

492
Dancer Jia 万家is also called Jia 家; see 236.16-19.

493
“One” refers to the shell that this inscription was written on. The inscription is a receipt notation placed on the upper right bridge of the shell and away from the divinatory content (cracks and divination accounts). The handwriting is rather crude in comparison with the more fluent handwriting of the divination accounts. This leads to the assumption that Dancer Jia wrote it.

494
This divination can be synchronized with 237.3. The date of the event, Dingsi, was a day to worship Ancestor Ding, the protagonist’s great-grandfather. Ancestor Yi was Ancestor Ding’s son, Ancestor Jia’s younger brother, Ancestress Geng’s husband, and the protagonist’s grandfather. 刮祖丁肜 “Carving [the sanctified meat] for Ancestor Ding’s Rong-rite” was the main sacrificial event of the day. The topic of inquiry is how to incorporate the junior Ancestor Yi into the senior Ancestor Ding’s Rong-rite. HYZ 310.1 provides another example of this type of contributory sacrifice, this time incorporating the junior Ancestor Yi into the senior Ancestor Jia’s Rong-rite: 甲戌夕，歲牝一祖乙，刮肜[祖甲]. The same syntax occurs in a divination for another of the cyclical (or seasonal) rites, the Yi-rite 翌日 : 乙巳，歲妣庚，刮祖乙 (274). In this instance, the wife of Ancestor Yi, who had a lower ritual status than her husband, is incorporated into her husband’s Yi-rite.
The form of these divinations are identical. Each contains two clauses that start with the date of the ritual event and continue as:
Sacrifice + ancestor name + animal type and quantity (initial clause)
Carve + ancestor name + name of event (final clause)
The days of the ritual carving event match the day names of the ancestors in the second clause, whereas the names of the ancestors mentioned in the initial clause, and for whom the sacrifices were made, do not match the date. The ram, cow, and sow were contributory sacrifices made in the name of one ancestor to another who was intimately related and senior to him/her. See Schwartz 2019.

495
Based on dates in divinations before and after this one, Wu 戊 is shorthand for Wuwu 戊午, day 55/60.

496
I read this graph as a variant form of guan 祼 “ale libation”. The ritual combination of an ale libation and a beheading occurs elsewhere in this corpus and regularly in divinations for the Shang kings. See 236.

497
伐祖乙卯牡一鬯一is parallel with 伐兄丁卯又(有)鬯 (236). This comparison suggests that the verb phrase 鬯 could be written in shorthand (minus the “altar” classifier) as 又鬯.

498
Kou you fa 口有伐 also occurs on 255 in a divination dated Jiayin, day 51/60. The rarity of this word-ordering and the fact that both shells were found close to one another in Pit H3 implies they originally formed a set. I read 口 as the graphically similar yue 曰 “utter, say, declare”. There are numerous instances in Shang oracle bone and bronze inscriptions of this interchange; for instance, the sentence Wang kou si 王口司(祀), which occurs on period V oracle bone inscriptions, is read by Qiu Xigui ([1999] 2012: 467-472) as though it wrote 王曰司(祀) “The king said, ‘Offer sacrifice’”. The subject of the declaration was likely the patron of the divination practice, “our lord”. I understand it as part of the divination charge, but it is also possible to interpret it as a judgment (i.e., “Said, ‘There will be/Have a beheading’”), since it comes at the end of the account.

499
The missing graph in the prognostication is still partially visible: . The top part (the “horns”) resembles “sheep” yang 羊or Qiang 羌, and the lower part looks like 儿. The ZSKY Editors read it 羌. Yao Xuan’s transcription leaves it blank 囗.

500
The phrase zi lai 自來occurs only this one time. It is different in meaning from 來自 “return from” (149, 255, etc.). I read zi here as an adverb, and lai as a verb, “come, return”; for adverbial 自, compare 294.8: 乙卯卜：歲祖乙牢，子其自，弜速。用 “Divined on Yimao: Sacrificing (to) Ancestor Yi pen-raised cattle, our lord should (sacrifice) on his own; do not invite others. Used”, 449.1: 丁自征 “His Highness will attack on his own”, and 454.3: 子其自飲 “Our lord should drink by himself.”

501
This compound graph depicts two hands holding a hammer (chui 錘) striking a water buffalo 兕. I read it as a variant spelling of (殺) “kill”; see the commentary to 16.1.

502
See 214.3-4.

503
眔 mostly functions as a conjunction in between nouns. There is also a verbal usage (372.4, 474.6), “join”. “Suo’s cow” and “Wei’s boar” is comparable with “Cha’s blacks (=black horses)” 324.2) and “Nai’s horses” (391.9).

504
The word ri 日can mean both daytime (白天) and an entire day (一整天). The absence of Jiazi 甲子 (day 1/60) before 日 implies that “daytime” refers to day Guihai (60/60). “Evening of Guihai” means the time period after day Renxu (59/60) became day Guihai. See 271.2.

505
Zhu Fenghan (2002) determines that the syntax “ + animal” means to make an ale libation before sacrificing an animal; the animal is not the object of .

506
This graph occurs in Shang oracle bone inscriptions as the name of the western wind ( HJ 14295), and this name corresponds to the name of the wind called “wei feng 韋風” in the Shanhaijing 山海經. Variant spellings in oracle bone inscriptions (HJ 30392-93) write it , adding the phonetic wei 韋. The word is functioning here as an adverb, and from the next divination it can be deduced that its meaning is opposite jie 皆 “all”. Its semantic range has to mean “a portion of” or only”/“just”, as opposed to both or all (viand trays and the altar). See 474.

507
The coda 子弗艱 is the anticipated outcome of going ahead with offering prime cattle on viand trays and not on the altar.

508
You 又(有) is likely a noun prefix (translated as the definite article or a demonstrative pronoun). Reading as qu 曲 is uncertain. Perhaps it is related to the person called Bu zi Qu 不子 (曲) (351).

509
See 223 and commentary.

510
Bin in HYZ script is differentiated from the graphically similar (verb) bin “to host”. It is a noun and the object of zuo 作 “erect, build”. Ken-ichi Takashima (2010: II.122, note 9) comments, “The word also appears as a noun, apparently meaning some sort of shelter, referred to as a “bin-bethel” or “bin-shrine”. I use the term “bethel” which, though perhaps somewhat archaic, is to distinguish it from “guest house” because bin seems to have been created for paying homage to ancestral spirits when the Shang were engaged in battle…Quite possibly such shelter was a temporary rather than permanent construction like zong 宗 ‘temple’.”

511
occurs in Shang inscriptions written in numerous variations, with the most complex being composed of the elements “knife” or “ladle” + “meat” + “viand table/tray” over a “caldron”. Wu Qichang ([1938] 2008: 261) explains how these elements were combined to mean “scooping meat from a caldron and placing it on a table/tray”. Chen Jian (2007) reads it as the ancestral form of si 肆 “arrange, display”, as in to set out meat for a special type of sacrificial rite called by this name. The phrase “xiang si 饗肆” occurs in the OBI and Chen explains it as 爲肆祭而舉行饗禮 “having a ritual feast for a si-sacrifice”; see also the comments of Jao Tsung-I 1959: 670. The phrases “xiang si 享肆”/si xiang 肆享” also occurs in Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, for instance, Lu Hou Yi li 魯侯鬲(JC 648)：魯侯作彝，用享(肆)厥文考魯公 “Lu Hou Yi makes (this) vessel herewith to feast his accomplished deceased father Lu Gong”; and Li fangding 方鼎(JC 2614): 作寶尊彝，其用夙夕(肆)享 “Making (this) treasured ritual vessel, would that it be used morning and evening to feast (or: to set out a feast).”

512
See the commentary to 3.17 for definitions of shi 室. OBI record a xue shi 血室 “house/room of blood” (HJ 13562).

513
“Preposed object 魚 + verb yi 以 ‘take’” is a passive construction; it can be compared with with lu yi 鹵(以) “salt will be taken” (202.8).

514
Bo Ge 白(伯)戓is the same person called Ge 戓 (41.1); see also 81.5. Bo 伯is either a generational marker, “eldest/elder” or official rank; see Takashima 2010: II.210 (Bingbian 55r). This same person is called Zhi Ge 沚戓 (Ge of Zhi) in kingly divinations, and frequently appears in connection with a war against the Shao Territory; Zhi 沚is the name of a territory ( “Zhi fang 沚方” (Tunnan 4090)). For more on the identity of Zhi Ge in the OBI, see Han Jiangsu and Jiang Linchang 2010: 296-299, and Sun Yabing and Lin Huan 2010: 263-267. For other HYZ records associated with this war, see 247, 262, 275 + 517, 403, 429 and 449.

515
An alternative is to read jian 見as xian 獻 “present”, with the meaning being that Zi Yu would be the one to present the sacrificed cow to Ancestor Jia in place of the protagonist 子.

516
The context of this divination concerns the preparations for one of the major cyclical or “seasonal” rites to Ancestor Yi. I base this assumption on the fact that 刮 is the main cutting activity performed for both Rong and Yi day rites; see 274. While I take “carved” as a nominalized verb and as the object of sha 殺, it is also possible to read them as coordinate verbs.

517
This compound graph is composed of “female” 女 (determinative) + jiang 丬 “table” (phono-semantic) and spells zhuang 妝, which the Shuowen jiezi defines as to decorate. An allograph is written + “fire” on HJ 22483, and this implies that 妝 is the phonetic spelling of a word associated with burning; see Qiu Xigui 2012: 194-205. I read it zhuang 焋 “smoke”. “Use” means to consume. Based on the two divinations that follow in the sequence, it seems that the prince’s diviners were concerned that eating meat prepared in this way would cause him to have stomach problems.

518
The indexical pronoun “that” seems to refer to the sacrifices mentioned in the previous divination (5). 240.7 says the protagonist has a stomach illness.

519
The graph depicts a right hand grasping the leg of a person whose mouth faces backward. Tang Lan (1999: 70) transcribes it as and suggests to read it either as gai 概(?) or fu 付(?) (the question marks are his). This graph is clearly related to ji 及 “reach, extend”, and the man with mouth facing backward resembles one of the main elements in the graph writing the word yi 疑 “lost” (+ hang “road”). Yu Xingwu (2009: 49-51) reads it yi 肄 or si 肆 and defines it as “display” or “extend”. Western Zhou script adds jin 巾 under the right hand (for instance (Ke ding 克鼎, JC 2836)), and this evolves to become yu 聿. It occurs in the Western Zhou bronze inscriptions mainly as a sentence-initial adverb (or particle). (It also occurs as a preposition synonomous with yu 于.) Aside from the two instances on this shell, 肄/肆 appears once more in the HYZ OBI, on 449: 乙亥弜巳龜于室 “On Yihai, do not stop from displaying (or: arranging) the soft-shell turtles in the room”, and from this example we can deduce a meaning of “set out” or “arrange”. I read da 大in “大肄” as an adverb, “large-scale”, and adverb 大 + nominalized verb as a noun phrase; it is comparable to the noun phrases da cheng 大稱 (34.7) and da sui 大歲 (228.2). Divination (6), made one week later, is also against performing an exorcism for the protagonist’s mouth illness. By this time the illness appears to have healed, or was in the process of healing naturally.

520
For an explanation of the phrase “yi 益 + name of music/dance”, see the commentary to 87.1.

521
depicts a person 人 bound with rope. I take it in its original sense and read it as the noun, the object of the verb yi 肄; it is a verb that takes men of the enemy Shao territory as its object in divinations (8-9) later in this sequence. An alternative reading is to take it as a verb and in coordination with 肄.

522
“Shao” refers to men from the enemy Shao territory.

523
Hua is the same person called lord Hua 子 (畫) (288.5, 449.2).

524
The toponymn Rong can be reconstructed based on 195.5.

525
I disagree with the sequence proposed by ZSKY 2003 that arranges the divination dated Wushen (day 45) after divinations dated Jiayin (day 51), and which would make it fifty-five days later. It seems straightforward that divination (5) ought to be placed first. Read in this way, the dates are Wushen (day 45) → Guichou (day 50) →Jiayin (day 51), a total of seven days count inclusive).

526
I take xu 戌 as an orthographic error for shu 戍; see 88.14 and commentary.

527
The single graph occurs in between 歸 and 丁, but neither ZSKY 2003 nor Yao Xuan identify it. I suggest to read it as an incomplete writing of ni 屰(逆) “meet, welcome”. In HYZ script 屰is written , and enough of the graph is visible to make an identification. The phrase ni Ding 屰(逆)丁occurs elsewhere, for instance on 236.16-19, and the grammatical construction “ni 屰 + name of person” is even more common; see 294.5, 409.32 and 492.

528
The person called Ji here is likely the same person called Jimu 季母 on 139. The appellation mu 母 in the name implies she was female.

529
The liao-rite 尞(燎) was a burning or fumigating ritual, see Chen Mengjia 1936 and comments by David Keightley 2000: 114-115.

530
This place name is also recorded on 286 and 475. Lin Huan and Sun Yabing (2010: 107-109) locate it in the Linfen basin in southwest Shanxi 山西临汾盆地.

531
This is another instance where a single word was recorded on the recto side of a plastron, in an isolated location, and without a divination crack in its proximity (Sun Yabing 2014: 273280). ZSKY 2003 interprets it as a delivery receipt notation. I make the suggestion in the commentaries to HYZ 23 and 119 that this type of scribal notation might have had a different administrative function.

532
For the reading of Ge, see GuLin bubian #3184: 783-785 (citing Guo Yongbing and Wu Kejing). Guo and Wu locate this place in eastern Henan, just west of Shangqiu 商丘. Late Shang-Western Zhou bronzes inscribed with this lineage name were discovered in Yanzhou, Shandong 山東兗州 in 1973; see Li Xueqin 1998b.

533
For a discussion of this word, see 280 and commentary.

534
I suggest to read yan 言, which is being used as a verb here, in its primary sense of “words” (n.) > “cause to have words > tell, state”. This usage occurs elsewhere in HYZ vocabulary (183.5, 474.6), although it is more commonly used is as a noun, as in the phrases wang yan 亡言 “not have words” (181.26-27) and you yan 有言 “have words” (234.1). This divination was made the day prior to weekly worship and sacrificial offerings to Ancestor Yi. The divination proposes not to include information about items brought back from the west when making announcements made during the ritual event. An alterative reading is to take 言 as spelling the word 音, and then to take 音 as a phonetic loan for the word xin 歆 “to feast”. In Shang bone and Western Zhou bronze script the same graph was used to write the words yan 言 “words” and yin 音 “sound”. Yin 音, in turn, was used as a phonetic loan to write the word xin 歆 “to feast” (Yu Xingwu 2009: 87-88; Jao Tsung-I 1959: 657). The most compelling evidence comes from a passage in the early Western Zhou bronze inscription called the Bo Ju ding 伯矩鼎 (JC 2456) which says: 伯矩作寶彞, 用音(歆)王出入使人 “Bo Ju makes this treasured vessel, to be used to feast the king‘s dispatches coming in and going out.” The last sentence is parallel with the more commonly used phrase 饗出入使人 “feast (the king’s) dispatches coming in and going out” (Xiao Sheng zun 小生尊, JC 6001; late Shang period) and “feast the king’s dispatches coming in and going out along with (my) many friends” (Wei ding 衛鼎, JC 2733).

535
來自西 “What has been brought back (or: what has come) from the west” is a nominalized verb phrase and the object of the verb 言. It seems related to the object phrase zi xi ji 自西祭 “sacrificial items from the west” (HYZ 4, 214, 355).

536
Kou you fa 口有伐 also occurs on 226 in a divination dated Wuwu, day 55/60. As stated in the commentary to that piece, I read kou 口 as though it wrote the word yue 曰 “say”.

537
I have moved (5) ahead of (3)-(4) in this sequence because it contains a date and the other two do not. It is clear that (3)-(6) were chained divinations part of a single sequence, and that they were all made on the same day, Yihai 乙亥 (day 12/60). Placing the undated divinations (3)-(4) after (2) and before (5)-(6) implies they were made on Jiayin 甲寅 (day 51/60), 22 days earlier; this is highly unlikely.

538
Zhou Long (written 舟龍) occurs in Wu Ding’s divination records (HJ 4928-29 [Bin 1]). On the Warring States bamboo manuscript Rongcheng shi 容成氏 (ShangBo 2, strips 45-46), Zhou (spelled ) was one of the nine kingdoms appeased by the future King Wen on behalf of the reigning Shang king, Di Xin. Eastern Zhou pottery marked with this name was discovered in Wenxian, Henan 河南溫縣 (Qiu Xigui 2012: 3.425-427). 288.8 mentions “large jade tablets from Zhou ”. and 舟 were graphic variants. “You ” is the object of the verb gao 告“report”. It is shorthand for jades delivered or sent in by/from You; divination accounts on 37 and 490 provide a description of the goods from this delivery.

539
This divination forms a set with 55.3-4↔247.15↔352.1. Only this divination record includes the name Xing 興 at the end. It means the exorcism was made for him.

540
The graph is composed of fu 阜 “hill” (classifier) + yi 矢 “arrow” (phonetic?). The reading of this graph is uncertain and I am not sure if it should be read as the name of a person or as a grammatical word in combination with 告 “announce”. A person with this name is recorded in period I OBI, and HJ 926r records a person called Zi Yi 子 “lord Yi”. See Jao Tsung-I 1959: 529, 658, 678, 680, 778.

541
You is a place/lineage name. Wu Ding’s divinations record a prison at this place that held Qiang captives (HJ 522v) and Zhou providing Qiang captives: 不其以羌 “You might not bring Qiang” (HJ 274r). “ ” is shorthand for “servitors from You”. This divination is trying to predict where a delivery of servitors, promised to the prince by the king, would come from.

542
The reconstruction of the first person pronoun yu 余in the king’s statement is based on the parallel 丁曰余其肇子臣. 允 (410.2). Yun 允 is part of the divination statement; it is not a verification statement recorded after the fact. It is important to note here that there is not one instance in the HYZ OBI where 允 is recorded as a verification. For other instances, see 123+Jiyi 561, 62, 331, and 351. The purpose of this divination is to determine the truth of the king’s statement.

543
The sense here is that a scribe “translated” the king’s direct speech to avoid using his master’s personal name. HYZ 331 presents a similar example. Section 2.4 of the Introduction has a more detailed discussion.

544
The statement 雨至 “rain will arrive” occurs frequently in OBI but there are no instances of 雨入“rain entering”; the closest connection is 水入 “water (> flood) entering” (HJ 33347). For this reason, I understand the verb ru “enter” either as referring to the sacrificial animals mentioned in the previous divination, or to the protagonist’s movements.

545
ZSKY 2003 and Yao Xuan both read this graph as zou 奏, but recently Sun Yabing (2011a: 56, note 3/2014: 199, note 5) emends it wei 未. The language of this prognostication can compared with 220.1: “未。其有至艱。其戊”. “Used” is a judgment on the divination crack, and was likely made by the same diviner who made the divination. A formal prediction made by the head of the family disagreed with the judgment and overruled it. An example like this negates the argument (Huang Tianshu [1991] 2007) that the technical term 用 was a type of verification, and that it meant the divination statement was “applied” and actually carried out; see the commentary to HYZ 6.1 for a fuller discussion.

546
Yao Xuan says that the phrase “jin xu 今戌” means 最近的“戌”日 “the nearest “Xu” day”; this implies the diviner was calculating days by dizhi “earthly branches” and not by tiangan “heavenly stems”. Sun Yabing (2011a: 160, note 2) emends “我” for the graphically similar “戌”. Noting a correspondence between the phrases “ 月” (159) and the terms “ (祓)月” and “ 月” in royal family group divination records (Yu Xingwu 2009: 26), Yao Xuan suggests to read 月 as the name of a month. While this reading is possible, I read 戌 in its derived verbal sense, “destroy” (< from noun “axe”), and Shao as its object; Shao refers to the Shao territory. Adding a “mouth” component to 戌spells xian 咸. 咸 occurs as a verb in Classical Chinese with the meaning of “kill, destroy”. 今 is an adverb and 戌(咸)邵 is a nominalized verb clause modifying “month”. The two month notations discussed by Yu Xingwu and cited by Yao Xuan are really just verb + noun (月) event notations, “the month to do X or Y.” For other inscriptions mentioning the war against the Shao, see 237, 275+517 and 449.

547
The locative notation at the end of this account is the current location of the protagonist and the place where the divination is being made; it is not the location of the king.

548
For the identification of as an early form of ze 擇 “choose, select”, see Sun Yirang [1904] 1993: 114.

549
It is also possible that the word shou 受, read here as “receive”, should be read shou 授 give”.

550
This delivery receipt is written on the lower left bridge of the recto side. The handwriting is crude, just like the notation “Dancer Jia presents one” on 226. Comparisons can also be made with the handwriting of the receipts on 502r and 226r. Sun Yabing (2011a: 253, note 7) locates Zhi 制 in Xingyang county, Henan 河南省滎陽縣.

551
HYZ 102 records Trader Zhu having mouth sickness.

552
I read “chime stones” as a musical instrument and “female servants” as the musicians who will play them for Lady Hao. 磬妾 is comparable to 琡羌 “Lapidary Qiang” (241.11); see 53.6-7 and 490.11 for accounts that associate female servants with music and dance. There are alternative readings. It is possible to take chime stones and female servants as two separate things; the prince will bring both to Lady Hao. A second possible reading is that Qing is the name of a place, and here modifies female servants; Li Xueqin (2008: 171-174) locates Qing 磬 in the vicinity of Qinyang, Henan 河南沁陽.

553
The phrase “you zhao chang 又(有)肇鬯” is different from you chang 又(有)鬯 “have/add aromatic ale”. It only occurs in divinations on this shell. It is comparable to you zhao chen 有肇臣 in the divination statement 辛卜: 子其又(有)肇臣自 “Divined on Xin: Our lord will likely have servitors that are dispensed from….” (257.18). The aromatic ale would presumably have been dispensed to the protagonist from either the king or the queen. Other accounts mention him requesting and using millet from them for ritual events like this one (363.3, 379.1).

554
This is the most complete list of activities for an ancestor’s weekly worship in the entire corpus. In all, five activities are listed: animal sacrifice, reporting, offering drink, praying, and the offering of other “sacrificial items” that likely included a grain-type staple food (millet). I am not sure how exactly these actitivies were coordinated, and so I translate them one by one in order.

555
Mu 暮 is spelled differently than the time word mu “evening”. Here it is a place name and modifies the word “cattle”. It is comparable to “Xun’s cattle 旬牛” in the sentence yu Gui sha Xun niu 于癸殺旬牛 “By day Gui kill Xun’s cattle” (474.9).

556
The appearance of the preposition yu 于, and not zai 在, in the locative clause 于 means that at the time of the divination the protagonist was not yet in Rong. He planned to be there later and to spend the night. Before dawn on the following day, Gengzi, the protagonist sacrificed pen-raised cattle for his grandmother’s day of worship.

557
The object of sui 歲 is lao 牢, modified by the locative clause zai Rong 在戎. The divination was not made at Rong. The preposition zai 在was used because the pen-raised cattle were located there.

558
Yao Xuan reads bu wei zi piao 卜未子髟 as a prognostication, but she does not offer an explanation of its meaning. I separate the four words into two parts; “ 卜未” is a prognostication and “子髟” a verification statement or notation. This is mainly because the sentence 卜未子髟 makes no sense grammatically. 卜has to be referring to the divination or the divination crack. The adverb 未 (/妹) occurs elsewhere (for instance 220) in prognostications, and when it does the verb or verb phrase it negates has been omitted because it was previously stated in the divination statement proper. In this divination account 未 “not yet” refers to not making the sacrifice with cattle that are at Rong. This leaves 子髟. A place/lineage called 髟occurs in the HYZ OBI (see HYZ 6.2), but there are no instances of a person called 子髟 “lord Biao”. I read 子 as referring to the protagonist, “our lord”, and biao/piao 髟 as a phonetic loan for fu 孚 “trust”; the sentence 子髟 means, “Our lord trusted (it = his prognostication).” Several different graphs were used to write the word fu “trust” in early epigraphic sources. Shang scribes used . The received version of the Yijing uses 孚, and a Western Han period copy of the Yijing (Mawangdui) writes it with the loan fu 復 “return”. The Warring States bamboo manuscript Great King Jian Stops the Drought 柬大王泊旱 (ShangBo 4) uses the graph biao (表) as a loan for 孚, for instance in the passage 尚而卜之於大夏。如(表>孚)，將祭之 “Would that (we) set our will and divine about it by the Great Xia (=type of turtle). If it is trusted, (then) we will sacrifice to it [said about the cause of a drought]”; see Shen Pei 2007.

559
: Takashima (2010: II.345, note 8) comments, “The graph is a drawing of meat with a hand and sometimes gesturing to put the meat on the sacrificial stand (示).” This explanation is based on it being the ancestral form of 祭 (written in Zhou period script). Paul Serruys (2010: I.319; Bingbian 139.5) translates it as a “meat sacrifice.” Ji 祭 was one of the three cyclical or “seasonal” rites (翌—祭—肜), the rotation of which took approximately one calendar year.

560
Based on other divinations in this sequence “one white” likely refers to an animal; compare 142.3: “one white pig”, and 299.3: “one head of white cattle”.

561
The absence of day Yi 乙 (2/10) or the word 翌 “tomorrow” before ri 日 implies that it means the “daytime” of day Jia (1/10).

562
The words I read (姒)丁 are written . Yao Xuan’s transcription has “母由(?)”. The graph at the top is “woman 女/母”, and below it is . It seems rather straightforward however that the element at the bottom is not you 由, and my reasons are: 1) “女/母 + name” is clearly the object of the ritual proposed in this divination, and there is no ancestor called by the name Mu You 母由 “Mother You” or “Lady You” anywhere in the OBI; 2) The rectangular element under “woman” looks like ding 丁; 3) the vertical stroke to the right of 丁 and what opens up under it is not “mouth”, which would be expected if writing 由. Knowing that this graph writes the name of an ancestor, I read the three graphic elements as a ligature, “si ding 丁”; 司 is written upside down. Qiu Xigui (2012: 1.523-526) reads as si 姒 “wife of elder brother”; see too JC 1906. The only “elder brother” in the HYZ OBI is the deceased “Elder brother Ding 兄丁” (236). HYZ 441 mentions another ancestress called Si Geng 司(姒)庚. The deceased Lady Hao was called both as Si Xin 司辛 and as Si Mu Xin 司母辛; see Li Xueqin 2016: 18-24 and Song Zhenhao 2011: 410-412.

563
The commentary to 39.21 provides the definition of this verb and how it may differ in application from 禦.

564
: The graph read here as the word dian 顛 “fall” (Tang Lan 1999: 60) is composed of three elements: hill 阜 + kneeling man 卩 + sun 日; the kneeling man and the sun elements face downwards and the combined meaning of this compound pictograph is a man “falling” down “hill” or “steps”. This word occurs outside of the HYZ OBI and allographs from other scribal groups write it , with “child” 子 and not 卩, and with ding 丁 and not 日. The motive behind replacing 日 with the similar shaped 丁 in the variant form was to add a phonetic speller.

565
Although there are no prefatory dates, I suspect this sequence of three divinations can be synchronized with 3.8-9↔181.20-21↔409. 273 states lord Guo’s ailment.

566
See 226.5 and commentary.

567
Jie 丯 is an attested phonetic loan for jie 介; Shuowen jiezi: 丯, 讀若介. Classical commentaries gloss 介 as 大 “great”, 近 “close to”, and 副/輔 “to assist”; see GXHZ, p. 79. OBI also record groups called “duo jie zi 多介子”, “duo jie fu 多介父” and “duo jie xiong 多介兄”. Jao Tsung-I (1959) reads 介 as meaning either as shu 庶 “multitude” or “great”.

568
As the object of the verb xue 學this word appears to be a name. It occurs on the fragmented 253 and at 293.1: 惠[ ]舞 “it should be Tuo* who dances”. The divination that immediately follows it on that shell, 292.2, says: 叀(惠) (拔)先舞 “it should be “Uproot” that is danced first”, and from this we can deduce that is either the name of a dance or the name of a female person who will dance it.

569
The reading here is uncertain but the graph appears to depict two people in motion and the context recommends that it was related to dance. It occurs again on 380 as a verb: 庚戌卜: 子于辛亥. Song Zhenhao (2010: 462) suggests it means to dance.

570
Emended by Sun Yabing 2011a: 43, note 4.

571
Divinations (3)-(4) appear to be connected with HYZ 28.1-3. However, the use of ten-day counts in the prefaces to all of these divinations, and not a fuller sixty-day count, make a confirmation uncertain. If they did form a set, then “Archer-Lord Dian” here and “Ya-officer Dian” there (28.1) would have to have been two people from the same place/lineage. If they did not form a set and were made at different times, then this leaves open the possibility that they referred to the same person who held these two positions in service to the Shang king at different times (Lin Yun 2007).

572
: This compound pictograph depicts a seated man 卩 + a single stroke that signifies a cushion or mat. I read it as a variant spelling of an 安/ ; compare (Daxingzhuang 大辛莊T2302[5]B:1), (HJ 5373), and (HJ 37568). I translate the word in its primary sense, but an alternative is that it meant to stop and take rest or to take safety.

573
This is the place where Lady Hao and the HYZ prince, at the command of the king, plant wheat (475.9). Lin and Sun (2010: 52-54) locate it in the Linfen basin of southwestern Shanxi.

574
The commentary to HYZ 252 proposes the location of Ge.

575
For the reading here of “foothills”, see 312.3.

576
The graph is composed of 宀 over 夗 and spells 宛. It is the ancestral form of wan 完 “complete”, used in reference to construction work. (This is the difference between 完 and another word that means “complete”, cheng 成.)

577
Huang Tianshu 2006: 368-373.

578
depicts the sun below trees with a bird 隹 in between; it also occurs on 314, 340 and 451. HYZ scribes differentiate “twilight” and the place name Mu 暮 by writing the latter with only two “trees” and without the “bird”: (265). For the meaning of this time word as “twilight”, see Chen Mengjia 2004: 304.

579
(猷 > you 猶) “plan” in Western Zhou literature occurs in combination with mou 謀: for instance, Shangshu, “Jun chen” 君陳: 爾有嘉謀嘉猷 “You have excellent plans and ideas”; and Hu zhong 鐘 (JC 260): 惟上帝百神保余小子，朕猷有成亡競 “It is G-d and the hundred spirits who protect me, the young child; my plans have success without contention.”

580
The reading of this graph as “father” is uncertain.

581
is a variant spelling of jia 嘉 “excellent, joy, auspicious.” Both here and at 480.5 it is being used as a verb, “praise, commend.” It ought to be equivalent in meaning with the verbal usage of jia 加 on the early Western Zhou bronze inscription Rongzhong fangding 榮仲方鼎 (Xinshou 1567): 子加榮仲囗瓚一 “(The king’s) son commended Rongzhong with…one ladle.”

582
is composed of shi 尸 + shao 少. It is written in Western Zhou script as wei 尾 “tail” over 少 (Qiu Xigui 2012: 3.167-171). This item commonly occurs in Western Zhou bronze documents in gift lists modified by the color term 彤 “red” and as an accessory for a dagger. I read it rui 緌 “tassel”.

583
modifies “large jade tablets” and refers to their point of origin. The graph is an alternative form to write the name of the Zhou 舟 lineage, and undoubtedly is to be associated with Zhou Long 舟嚨, who reported a jade delivery to the king on 255.

584
is a pictograph of a spider (=zhu 蛛) (Li Yanong [1950] 2001: 3. 283c). As a verb, it writes the word shu 殊 “cut off > to kill”/zhu 誅 “kill, punish” (Jin Xiangheng 金祥恆 [1970] 2001: 6. 161d-162a). Variant spellings in Shang script add the phonetic shu 束 (HJ 36417, White 1381) and the classifier si 死 “die” (White 959). The toponym Zhu 邾 (located in southern Shandong during the Western Zhou period) is written with “spider” + the phonetic zhu 朱 in Western Zhou script.

585
ZSKY 2003 (facsimile) has and Yao Xuan’s transcription renders it . I read it as a variant of guan 祼 “ale libation” based on a comparison between this divination and 395+ 548: 辛未卜：子其往于田，弜(勿)戠(待) (祼)。用 “Divined on Xinwei: If our lord goes to the fields, (he) ought not wait for the ale libation. Used.”

586
For the reading of yi 異 as a modal adverb, see Qiu Xigui 1992: 122-140.

587
The negative fu 弗 + noun ma 馬 implies that the verb “trade” was elided. It is comparable to bu shi 不豕 (50.3), which elided the verb gou 遘 “encounter”: bu [gou 遘] shi “Did not encounter pigs.”

588
癸子 ought to refer to the juvenile spirit usually called zi Gui 子癸; see too 214: 癸酉歲癸子 “On Guiyou, sacrifice (to) Guizi some ewes.”

589
The ZSKY 2003 transcription has 册, not . In the color photograph however there is clearly something under 册 and a comparison with the parallel divination on 29 implies the graph wrote .

590
For the prediction “不三其一”, see 378 and 381. A comparison between the three accounts suggests that the scribe forgot to write the adverb qi 其before the number “one”, and elided the words “encounter” and “wild animal”. See too 295.4.

591
This divination account implies that Wei was not a member of the group called “our lord’s servitors” Zi chen 子臣. Lady Hao’s order for the protagonist to follow Wei and not to follow one of his own servitors further suggests that Wei belonged to the duo chen 多臣 “Many Servitors”, that he primarily served the king and queen, and that he was ordered by them to safeguard their son.

592
The graph is spelled by reduplicating bing 丙 and is an early form of geng 更. I read it as a name and as the recipient of the ale libation. The syntax 子祼更 is the same as 子祼妣庚 “Our lord will libate ale (to) Ancestress Geng” (490.6) and 子祼小示 “Our lord will libate ale (to) the Lesser Altars” (459.9). A man called Geng, Elder 伯 Geng, and Captain 師 Geng appears in Wu Ding’s divination accounts dating from his early to early-middle period. After death this person was referred to in Wu Ding’s divinations as Geng Father Ren 更父壬 (HJ 1823); see Lin Huan and Sun Yabing 2010: 328-330. Jao Tsung-I (1959: 368) associates Geng with the Spring and Autumn period toponym Geng 郠, and locates in the area of modern Linshui county, Shandong 山東沂水縣. 440 Sun Yabing 2011a: 148, note 3.

593
Yao Xuan (2005: 27) reads 御 as it is written yu 御 “present, attend”, and not as the ancestral form of 禦 “exorcise, protect”. 御 does have a verbal meaning of “attend” in Western Zhou language, as in Yu gui 遹簋: 王饗酒, 遹御亡遣 “The king feasted and drank ale. Yu provided service without error.” As I understand it, the focus of this divination is the clause headed by the modal adverb qi 其. This presumably is what the HYZ prince was going to undertake for rites to Da Yi on Yiwei. Divinations (8)-(11) below concern preparations for the feast and resonate with him being responsible for providing the viands mentioned here.

594
David Keightley (2000: 89) translates xi xiang 西鄉(饗) as “making a west feast”. “West” is an adverb; “feast” is a verb. Orientating the feast to the west was because the recipient was deceased.

595
“Have audience” presumably means to see the king. An alternative reading is “to appear while banqueting”.

596
Yao Xuan (2005: 116-118) identifies this graph as a simplified form of bi 奰, and suggests to read it bi 毖 “warn, caution” (Yang Junru 2005: 277). No reason is given for why a warning was needed.

597
This is the only occurrence in the HYZ corpus of the person zi Mei, who appears in Wu Ding’s divination records. A divination about childbirth (HJ 14035) and spelling the name with the woman 女classifier both suggest this person was a female.

598
K.C. Chang (1980:164-165), says, “The oracle bone character for zu 族 has two elements, a flag above and an arrow below. Ding Shan’s interpretation, that it originally signified a military unit, is generally accepted. In ancient China the association of flags with military units is well known, and in oracle bone inscriptions zu are shown to be action units in military campaigns. …But military action was only one of the functions of the zu…, and composition was apparently based on kinship.”

599
For the reading of this graph as a loan for bi 毖, see Qiu Xigui 1992: 24-25. The graph bi on 290 is a phonetic loan for 毖, and this leads to me to read here as mi 宓, which the Shuowen jiezi defines as an 安 “safe; rest”, and the Guangyun defines as ning 寧 “calm”.

600
For the identification of shu 孰 as writing the word shu 塾, see Qiu Xigui 1992: 190-195; the Erya defines it as 門側之堂謂之塾 “A hall next to the gate is called shu 塾”. Song Zhenhao (2010: 42) explains it as a guard station located to the side of the gate of a residence complex or to the main gate of a settlement.

601
is composed of two interlocked squares or circles. (The squares depict the image of two enclosures.) Yu Xingwu (2009: 180-181) reads it as writing the word yong 雝 “marsh, pool”. However, HYZ script writes 雝 as , with two circles (=enclosures) arranged one on top of the other, with a space in between them, and with water around it. This same word occurs in the Western Zhou bronze inscription Rongzhong fangding 榮仲方鼎 (Xinshou 1567) with a roof + walls classifier: 王作榮仲 “The king built Rongzhong’s X”. Li Xueqin (2016: 337-339, 341-344) identifies the element on the inside of as yu 予 and reads the graph as writing the word xu 序 “school”. “子其作丁序” in this HYZ divination and “王作榮仲序” in the bronze inscription have a near identical syntax. The difference between the two is that the divination has the modal adverb qi, which indicates future action, whereas the sentence in the bronze inscription is post-factum. There are a series of period V OBI (HJ 36540-36547; Yingcang 2529) dating to end of the Anyang period that mention two different kinds of schools located at a place called Yi . The schools are both referred to as being of or located in the Great Settlement Shang: one school is called the Great Settlement Shang School for Gong (Adults?) 天邑商公序, and the other school is called the Great Settlement Shang School for Meng (Eldest Sons?) 天邑商皿(孟)序. HJ 36542 writes “school” and HJ 36543 writes it . (HYZ 21) writes the name of the protagonist’s relative, Zi Yu.

602
is composed of zi 子 “child” over zhi 止 “foot”. A territory called by this name is recorded in Wu Ding’s divination records (HJ 456r, HJ 7244; see Jao Tsung-I 1959: 596). Although it is certainly possible to interpret this word as the name of the protagonist’s aunt, I understand it in association with the divinations before it about the construction of a school, and read it as a variant spelling of zi 子 “child, children”. In Shang script “child” + ce “document, book” writes the word zhi 智 “know, knowledge”. A variant adds the phonetic “foot” under “child”. I take 止 the same way here.

603
For the identification of this graph as ben 奔, see Yao Xuan 2005: 75-88. The sense here is that none of the horses used on the hunt would be scared by something and run wild and uncontrollable.

604
This uncommon word order, with cong 从fronting the verb yue 曰, is unattested elsewhere. Perhaps it should be read as though it wrote 曰从昔所 “Declare to follow (or: go from) the old location.”

605
Following the reading of Sun Yabing 2011a: 101/2014: 108.

606
The verb “capture” was elided; see 289, 378 and 381.

607
The ZSKY 2003 transcription ends the account with deng 登 “raise”. Sun Yabing (2011a: 191, note 7) emends it deng zhui 登隹 “raise > offer birds”. 隹 “bird” is indeed visible in the rubbing near crack three, but there is separation between it and 登. Although Sun’s reading is of course possible, I disagree with it for the following reasons: 1) there are no other instances of verb deng + object “bird”’; 2) 隹 is recorded elsewhere cut into viands (198.9), but there are no other instances where it is occurs in an offering formula like this one (that is, with “sacrifice” as the initial clause); 3) there are no instances of birds paired with pigs as sacrificial items; and perhaps more importantly, 4) in the HYZ OBI the direct object of deng is usually a grain.

608
On the basis of (6) the date of this divination was likely Dingsi 丁巳.

609
is composed of zhen 針 “needle” over kou 口 “mouth/container” and writes the word you 由. On HYZ 171 it is written , with the needle piercing the container. 針 in Warring States script was still written pictographically and had yet to add a “metal” classifier: (Guodian, Ziyi 緇衣, strip 17)/ (ShangBo 8, Yong yue 用曰, strip 3); see Qiu Xigui [2003] 2012: 2.389-394. ZSKY 2003 reads it zai 甾. HYZ scribes write this word with the variant when it functions as an adjective or preposition (Chen Jian 2010, cited in GuLin bubian, 196-213). Zhao Peng (2007: 90) reads 友 as a rank or status, “aide, friend”, and 由友 as “You’s friend”. Shang language uses you 友 in this way, but always in the form “name 1 + 友 + name 2”, as in 子畫友 “Zi Hua’s friend/aide Shao” (416). The problem with Zhao’s interpretation is that there is no “name 2” following 友 in “由友”; for this reason I take 友 as part of this person’s name. Other divination records just call him You 由 (297, 354), and not by the fuller You You 由友. This same person also appears in the set of abbreviated inscriptions in the form: 友貞: 子金 (2, 152). In the preface of a Shang oracle bone inscription the word immediately before the word zhen 貞 “test” is usually the name of the diviner. It seems highly unlikely that a scribe would refer to a diviner simply as “aide”. (Both Zi Hua and Zi Yu are mentioned having “aides”.) “Zi Hua’s aide, Shao” mentioned above is referred to in the HYZ OBI either by this full title or simply as Shao, never only as “zi Hua’s aide 子畫友” or “aide”. These are additional reasons why I interpret You You as being a compound name. Finally, a person with this same name also occurs in Wu Ding’s divination accounts (HJ 8339). Gu Yu’an (2009: 288-290) provides a summary of You You in the HYZ OBI.

610
This divination can be synchronized with 375.2 and 455.2 (dated Yichou). Bingyin is the day after Yichou. The handwriting on this plastron and the handwriting on 375 and 455 are different. ZSKY 2003 reads the graph that I read tong 同 as fan 凡; see HYZ 183. Zhu Qixiang (2006: 1020), following the ZSKY 2003 reading, says 凡 is a phonetic loan for pan 盤 “circle”, and takes it to mean to patrol on inspection.

611
Defining ji shou 疾首 as “headache” is based on Zheng Xuan’s 鄭玄(127-200) comment in the “Ji yi” 疾醫 chapter of the Zhou Li 周禮: “首疾, 头痛也”. Divinations (1)-(2) can be synchronized with 446.5: 甲卜子首疾亡延 “Divined on Jia: Our lord’s headache will not persist”. 子疾首 “Our lord’s sick head” is another way of saying 子首疾 “Our lord’s head sickness (> headache)”. Wu Ding’s divinations also record such ailments, for instance HJ 13613: 王疾首中日彗 “Our lord’s sick head (> headache) will be gone by midday”; Song Zhenhao (2010: 513-514) has a discussion.

612
A comparison with HYZ 446.1-2: 甲卜: 乙歲牡妣庚 “Divined on Jia: On day Yi sacrifice some bulls (to) Ancestress Geng” makes it certain that the divinations (4)-(5) in this sequence were done on day Jia, and that day “Yi” before the predicate verb “sacrifice” meant the day of the ritual event. For this reason, it is likely that these two divinations should be moved up in the sequence, arranged under the divinations made on day Jia, and be renumbered (3)-(4). Making offerings to Ancestress Geng on day Yi was presumably to include her in the temple-day worship activities of her husband, Ancestor Yi. This is yet another instance (see HYZ 132) where a date in front of the word sui 歲 meant the day of the sacrifice and not the day of the divination, although there were instances where the day of the sacrifice and the day of the divination were the same.

613
The ZSKY 2003 facsimile has rou 肉 (=duo 多 “many”) before 亞, but it is not visible in either the rubbing or photograph. The term “duo ya 多亞” frequently occurs in the king’s divinations and 亞, in addition to it being used as a rank, seems to also mean either an ancestor’s shrine (Huang Tianshu 2006: 84) or a niche for worship in an enclosed ritual space (=阿); see HJ 30297. This is the reason I translate 亞 the way I do in 309.1.

614
Based on the Jia-day date before 歲 at the beginning of the divination account, in addition to a comparable syntax with 226.5 and 237.3, which record making a sacrifice in the name of the junior Ancestor Yi and carving it for the senior Ancestor Ding’s Rong 彡-rite, Yao Xuan’s commentary suggests that the words missing after 彡were Ancestor Jia 祖甲. As such, the junior Ancestor Yi was to be incorporated into the offerings of his brother Ancestor Jia’s Rong-rite. See Schwartz 2019, and the commentary to 226.5 for a fuller explanation of divinations in this form.

615
Along with 176, this is the highest count of divination cracks for an individual divination statement in the HYZ OBI. Shang diviners routinely made divination in multiples of three cracks and stopped at ten. In general, the importance of an issue was indicated by how many cracks the diviner made and how many shells and bones were used about it. The two divinations left on this fragment concern cyclical sacrifices (zhouji 周祭). In addition to weekly ancestor worship, dead kings and their main spouses also received larger and more elaborate “periodic” or “seasonal” worship events. (There were three main cycles Yi 翌—Rong 彡(肜)—Ji 祭, and with the inclusion of two additional sub-cycles within the Ji 祭-cycle totalled five rites altogether.) The limited number of these major rites performed over a year implies the importance of divinations about them (Schwartz 2019). Only cracks 9 and 10 remain on this fragment. The first eight cracks are not found on any other shell or bone discovered in Pit H3.

616
(312.1) (312.3) (480.1) (51): ZSKY 2003 and Yao Xuan 2006 identify all four graphs as jia 斝 “small ale cup”; The graph on HYZ 51 is indeed 斝, but the first three write the word shang 觴 “ale cup”; see Li Chuntao 2018: 83-89. Western Zhou bronze forms add the sound value yang 昜. HYZ script spells it with a 斝 classifier + the phonetic 丂, which is the sound value in the spelling of 昜. In early script the classifiers 斝 and jue 爵 “ale cup with a spout” were interchangeable. (In Warring States script 觴 was written with the classifier gu 角, another type of ale cup.) Early Western Zhou bronze script wrote the toponymn Tang 唐 with the graph 觴. Tang 唐 was located in southwest Shanxi province. 觴(唐) occurs seven times on three shells in the HYZ OBI: 312, 363 and 480. All three shells can be synchronized into a timeline spanning from day 55/60 through day 14/60. On 312 and 363, the protagonist made divinations, hunted, and sacrificed to his ancestors at Tang. Divinations on 363 and 480 stated that he had returned to Fu* ( ) from hunting at Tang and awaited the king’s arrival there.

617
The name written here as is likely a variant of (Ao 敖); see 351. 敖 occurs as a place in the Shijing poem “Che gong” 車攻 (Our chariots attacked): 建旐設旄、搏獸于敖 “They set up the banners, with ox-tails displayed, and struck wild animals in Ao.” Zheng Xuan’s 鄭 玄comment to this line says Ao was in the vicinity of Xingyang, Henan 河南滎陽. In this divination, members of the Ao lineage participated in a royal hunt at Tang along with the protagonist and his men.

618
The first graph is Qi 企, meaning “stand on tiptoes” > “extend, plan (a project)”. The graph below it is , which is a variant spelling of , writes the word bai 敗 “fail, lose” (Yu Xingwu 2009: 53-54).

619
This same graph occurs on the early Western Zhou bronze inscription Ran fangding 冉方鼎 (JC 2739). The Duke of Zhou, Dan, performs this sacrificial rite upon returning from a military campaign in the east. In the OBI, one of the characteristics of this sacrificial rite is the use of exotic animal sacrifices such si 兕 “wild buffalo” and 虎 “tiger”. It also occurs on HYZ 395 and 480 to conclude a successful hunt. Zhan Yinxin (2006) suggests it was equivalent to the ma 禡-sacrifice. This sacrificial rite is mentioned in the Zhou Li as a military ritual performed on enemy soil (as a means to appease foreign spirits). It also occurs in the Shijing poem “Huang yi”皇矣; the Mao commentary defines it as a sacrificial rite performed in the wilderness.

620
: The graph writes wang 亡 but differs slightly from how Huayuanzhuang East scribes write the negative 亡. The graph is a deictic pictograph that uses a short vertical stroke to indicate the sharp point of the knife—it is the ancestral form of mang 鋩/芒 “blade”. Here, modifying pig, it is a place/lineage name. Perhaps it should be associated with Mt. Mang 邙山 just north of Luoyang, Henan 河南洛陽.

621
The noun phrase “Mang’s pigs” occurs once more on 324.5: 己亥卜：子惠今用，唯亡豕 “Divined on Jihai: It should be today that our lord…uses, it being Mang’s pigs”. Corresponding dates and these two instances as being the only appearances of “Mang’s pigs” makes it relatively certain that these two divinations should be synchronized.

622
This divination can be synchronized with the parallel divination 391.7 dated six days later (on Gengchen 庚辰). The divination sequence 391.7-9 confirms that this divination was about what horses to pair and align.

623
The verb gao 告 “announce” seems to have been omitted before the noun meng 夢.

624
I read “kill” and “cut” as coordinate verbs; the word-order and grammar is parallel with qi sha mao 其殺卯 “should kill and butcher” (223).

625
You ruo 友若 ought to be equivalent to 又(有)若 on 361. Exchange between 友 and 又 occurs in OBI; see HJ 10196. The person called You You is written both as 由友 and as 由又.

626
Sun Yabing (2014: 208) thinks the graph I transcribe yu 于is the graphically similar shi 示 “altar, spirit tablet”; she reads “Ancestor Jia’s altar” and her transcription has a full stop after it. Her interpretation of this divination statement is: “Two bowls of aromatic ale to make libations (to) Ancestor Jia’s altar. To make sacrifice, three bowls of aromatic ale.” This divination account indicates that a guan 祼-ale libation + sacrifice were the basic ritual activities held for an ancestor’s regular weekly worship.

627
Compare Zi jian yu wang 子肩禦往 “Our lord’s shoulder exorcism will be sent off” (243).

628
This divination account can be synchronized with HJ 22172 + 22351. The only difference between the two shells is the addition of the postface “At Fu” in the HYZ account.

629
A man named He 何 served as one of king Kang Ding’s diviners (period III OBI). Period I-III inscriptions record a “He Territory” (HJ 7001). Men from this lineage also held the positions of “bowman” (White 962) and “border guard” (HJ 26879); see Jao Tsung-I 1959: 1075-1097 and Han Jiangsu and Jiang Linchang 2010: 570-572.

630
The grammar of 何于丁逆: N_1 + preposition + N_2 + V, is parallel with 新馬于賈視 “new horses will be inspected by the trader” (HYZ 7). Here ni 逆 means to meet in opposition. It suggests that, at this time, He was an enemy of Wu Ding.

631
: The reading of this graph as writing the word yi 夷 is after Lin Yun 2007. A recently discovered early Western Zhou bronze inscriptionfrom the reign of King Cheng 成王 called the He gui 簋 (Wenwu 2009.2) writes the graph as yi , plus “hill”: 唯八月公殷年 “It was the 8th month, the year that the Duke pacified Yin”. The phrase 何 “Pacified He” occurs in Wu Ding’s divinations (HJ 17027v [Model Bin-diviner type]).

632
ZSKY 2003 reads ; Sun Yabing (2011a: 193, note 1) emends .

633
取functions as a noun here. This word occurs eight times in the HYZ OBI, and its objects are living people, land and materials. Examples are: 取 (39.17) “procure Hu (name),” 取田 (80.1) “procure fields”, 取紤 (286.6) “procure tapestries”, and 取有車 (416.10) “procure the chariot(s)”. Compare Bingbian 557.3: 以有取, which Kenichi-Takashima (2010: 1.749) translates “Hua will bring what (he) took”.

634
This name is also seen on royal inscriptions; see HJ 6197, 2866 and HJ 2869r.

635
A comparison between the syntax of this divination with divination (3) above suggests that si 死after the negative fu 弗 is to be read transitively, and that its object was the prepositioned verb phrase “having a pick up”.

636
The graph is composed of 隹 “bird” on top of 鼎 “caldron”. Reading it as the word huo 鑊 is after Tang Lan (1999: 31-32). As a noun it means “a type of caldron”, and as a verb “to cook”. A variant spelling (377.1) puts the bird inside of cooking vessel.

637
This compound graph is composed from two hands at the bottom in a raising motion holding a “needle” zhen 針 (the phonetic value) + ba 八 (indicating a separation). Other Shang period scribes added hang 行 “road”. It writes the word song 送 “send off”. The word frequently occurs in Wu Ding’s war divinations in the phrase song fa 送伐. Here it is a place/lineage name, and where the black horses came from; see 352.5. Han Jiangsu and Jiang Linchang (2010: 299-307) locate it southeast of Taiyuan, Shanxi.

638
See commentary to 13.3 for the proposed reading of wu si 弜(勿)巳 as a negative (adverb) + verb. The focus here is whether or not to join mares with Song’s black horses.

639
For the translation of duo gong 多工 as “Many Artisans”, and for a study of this organization in the OBI see David Keightley 2012: 34-37, 299-305.

640
During the reign of Wu Ding, Zhou was based in between the Yellow and Fen 汾 rivers in southwest Shanxi; for a summary of Zhou in Shang OBI, see Sun Yabing and Lin Huan 2010: 296-301. It is unclear if there was an association between 周 and the person Zhong Zhou 中周 102, 321).

641
This inscription is a receipt notation. It is either a lineage or place name. Xu often occurs in Bin 賓-diviner group (Leizuan #829) divinations in association with the capturing of Qiang. Its location is unidentified.

642
A rejoin with HYZ 534 confirms the graph here is “hand holding a stick hitting a tiger” (= ; see 14.5-6) + “three trees 森”. It ought to be an allograph of ( ) (HJ 41349), which is the ancestral form of san 散 “to scatter; cause to be separated”.

643
The graph is actually spelled chou 疇 + the phonetic zhou 肘. I read it as a variant of dao 禱 “pray”. An alternative is to read it 疇 (=shui 誰 “who, someone”; the Erya lists 疇，孰 ，and 誰 as synonyms) : Someone would likely be afflicted. HYZ 487.2, which is part of this divination set, records the exact same divination statement and has a complementary but different prediction, namely that the prince saw fault in one of the divination cracks.

644
This verification means that lord Bi was the one actually afflicted. This divination account was part of a three-shell set along with 487.1-2 and 150.1-3. This exact same verification also occurs on 487.2 and 150.3 with the same meaning that it has here. Reading the divinations as a set reveals Bi must have been injured on day Yimao (52/60) at practice for an upcoming music and dance performance later the same week. Divinations made on Bingchen (53/60), the next day, as well as on Gengshen (57/60), several days later (see HYZ 209), confirm it.

645
The phrase you you 又友 (verb + nominalized verb) in the initial divination in this series attempted to determine whether or not to add something else to the sacrifice of mountain rams. The subsequent divinations, based on a positive judgment, continued and proposed the animal type, “wild boar”. A comparable divination morphology occurs with you deng 又(有)登 (also verb + nominalized verb) > deng ji 登祭(/穄) (verb + direct object) (265.5-6): “On Xinwei, sacrificing (to) Ancestress Geng, have (> add) a (cereal) raising. Used” ‖ “On Xinwei, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng, make an announcement, have (> add) the dispensed aromatic ale, our lord will pray, and raise sacrificial items (/millet).” The initial divination in this sequence proposed to pair another offering with the sacrifice; the subsequent divination then identified a specific object.

646
Part of a five-shell set; see 6.2.

647
Cheng 成 occurs elsewhere as a verb, “to complete” (437.1). The numbers “3” and “4” here are adverbs; compare “san fa 三伐” and “wu fa 五伐” (144).

648
: I read this graph as a ligature that writes 中(仲)子 “middle son”. HYZ OBI records the prince’s other children: 大子 “big son” (480), 小子 “small son” (353), and 三小子 “third small son” (205).

649
Lin Yun (2007) reads this name as Qu, family head of Bu 不 (lineage). While this is certainly possible, I read Bu here as a phonetic spelling of Pou 剖, who was one of the protagonist’s brothers or cousins. I read zi 子 in its primary sense of “child”, and Qu* (reading uncertain) as the child’s name. HYZ 275+517 is a divination about whether Pou’s “woman” would die. For the graph read qu 曲, see 228.15.

650
See the commentary to 312.2 for the location of Ao. This divination suggests that a member of the Ao lineage served the royal family and knew about plans in preparation for a ritual activity. The HYZ prince was often responsible with overseeing viand service for ritual activities performed collectively; see HYZ 495.1. Ao transmitting a message here to the prince, presumably from the king (Yao Xuan 2005: 60), suggests that the content of the message was the result of a previous divination done by someone else. The prince’s divination, which was made either by the prince himself or on behalf of him by one of his diviners, determined that the statement was indeed accurate.

651
The missing word here was probably something like pursue or seek.

652
This inscription is not included in ZSKY 2003 and was discovered by Sun Yabing 2011a: 229, note 1.

653
For the reconstructed reading of xin 辛, see Song Zhenhao 2010: 397.

654
The meaning of the verb lao 勞 is clearly associated with gifts presented to the king acknowledging and “rewarding” him for his “toil” upon his return from hunting in Tang. This divination can be synchronized with 312 and 480; (perhaps also 34.) Reading the divination accounts on the two shells together, the HYZ prince returned to Fu ahead of the king and prepared to “comfort” him upon his return (on Dingchou [14/60] (480.3)). Numerous activities were planned, and included gift-giving (both to the king and Lady Hao (480.5)), feasting (480.3), and a requital sacrifice for a successful hunt (480.4).

655
480.1, dated the day before Dingmao, records the postface 來狩自唐 “Return of the hunt from Tang”.

656
Yichou is day 2/60 and Yihai is 12/60. The divination anticipates that the king would exit at some point between Yichou and Yihai. The prediction states that it would be either be Geng (=Gengwu, 7/60) or Xin (=Xinwei, 8/60). It suggests of a more wide-spread hemerology about the topic of travel.

657
is composed of zou 走 (semantic) + zha 乍 (phono-semantic). It has the opposite meaning of 安 “calm”. The root meaning of zha 乍 is to “rise, sprout up” (Shuowen jiezi: 起也), and when the verb 作takes an animal as its object it means “to stir up” or “excite” (興)’:《周禮‧大司樂》：“以六律、六同、六聲、八音、六舞大和樂，以鬼神示、以和邦國、以諧萬民、以安賓客、以悅遠人、以作動物”；《詩經‧魯頌‧駉》：“思馬斯作”; 朱熹集傳, “作，奪起。”

658
Shima Kunio (2006: 711-713, 716, 735) locates Qin in southern Shandong.

659
Tang Lan (1999:17; cited in Jishi 7.2375) identifies this graph as fu “a kind of millet” (Schuessler (2007: 299) says “Panicum miliaceum, not glutinous”), and defines its verbal usage as huo he 穫禾 “to harvest grain still on stalk”.

660
220 is a parallel divination.

661
In the grammatical form “Is not 非… is 唯 (> only)”, the meaning of is worse than “sickness”. A comparison can be made with 鼎(貞)：非(孽)隹(唯)疾 “Tested: It is not evil, only sickness” (HJ 13845), and allows us to deduce that is either a variant form of 疾 or that the two words were synonyms; see Huang Tianshu [1991] 2007: 26-27, and the divination accounts on White 1518 and HJ 21054. is a phonetic loan for nie 孽 “evil”; see 286.11.

662
This divination can be synchronized with 391.10-11 (also dated Jiawu). Reading this microset of three divinations together reinforces that the technical term 用 “Used” referred to a judgment on the divination crack, and not to whether or not the divination statement was applied and actually carried out. This is because 372.8 proposes to report about stone cutting, and 391.11 proposes not report about it. Both divination statements, although they differ slightly and are not purely antithetical, are followed by “Used”. “Using” both, in the sense that both divination statements were applied and actually carried out is obviously a contradiction. This issue is discussed in the commentaries to HYZ 6.1 and 252.3.

663
Reconstructed by Zhu Qixiang 2006: 1028.

664
“Nai Ji” is a reverse spelling of the person otherwise called Ji Nai 乃 or Nai.

665
381.1 has an explanation of this prediction formula.

666
HYZ 61-HYZ 62 discusses the meaning of fu bu 服卜.

667
Yao Xuan (2005: 87) parses after 其一, and reads “其二，其又奔馬” together. She explains the entire prognostication as “There will not be three pigs but should be at least one. If we encounter two pigs then there will be horses that run out of control.” I read 不三其一其二 as prognostication one, and 其又奔馬 as prognostication two. The sense of “not three but one or two” as referring to animal counts can be deduced from 294.4 which adds the word “deer” after “likely one”: 壬戌，一臣擒。子占曰：其一鹿。用。一二 “On Renxu, one of the servitors is going to make a capture. Our lord read the crack and said, “Should (capture) one deer”. Used.” I interpret these counts literally, but it is also possible that “three” meant any number more than two.

668
Yu ji hu 于既呼 is likely an abbreviation of yu ji hu gui 于既呼簋(饋) “After the call to eat”. It means the protagonist will go hunt after the meal. See HYZ 3.15..

669
ZSKY 2003 reads 兮簋; Sun Yabing (2011a: 121) emends , and points out that this graph occurs outside of the HYZ OBI, on HJ 2783-2784. I read it as a ligature 至(致)簋(食) “send food/meal”.

670
The transcription follows Sun Yabing 2011a: 121, note 5.

671
: Qiu Xigui (2012: 1.552-565) explains the combined meaning of this graph as cleasing an enclosure with broom (mop) and water, and reads it you 攸/xiu 修 “cleanse, wash”; see 372.9.

672
Reading bu yong 不用after Sun Yabing 2011a: 131, note 3.

673
Ruo 若is either a verification, meaning it was indeed favorable not to report it to the king; or an scribal emendation to the coda, “Do not report to His Highness, (for it) will be favorable.”

674
Appears to be associated with HYZ 480.4, and then by extension, with 312 and 363.

675
I suspect that writes the word guan 祼 “libate ale”. Compare the syntax here to 181.5: 甲卜弜戠(待)。戠(待)祼,子其往田 “Divined on Jia: Do not wait. Waiting for the ale libation, our lord should go and hunt.” See also 289.4.

676
The graph is a compound depicting two pieces of meat on an altar. “Mother Wu” was a deceased spouse of Wu Ding. Presumably, this divination is trying to forecast what to offer “Mother Wu” on day Wuyin (15/60) of the following week.

677
This divination forms a set with 35.2, and that account has the phrase ji hu gui (kui)既呼簋( 饋) “After calling to eat…”

678
1263A is a duplicate of 561 (H3: 1640) and it can be rejoined with 428. 1263B is a duplicate of 553 and it can be rejoined with 432.

679
This second zhan yue 占曰 is a reduplication error.

680
The graph is composed of geng 庚 + 又 “right hand”. It occurs outside of the HYZ OBI in a divination sequence about music and in combination with flutes (yue 籥) and another type of drum (HJ 30693). The “Yi Ji”益稷 chapter of the Shangshu says, 下管鼗鼓 “Below, there are flutes and hand-drums.” Lin Yun (2018: 12-16) says 庚 is a pictograph of a hand-drum.

681
This three-graph inscription is written on the lower edge of the right bridge on the shell’s recto side. It is not near any divination crack. Inscriptions like these are usually event notations. I understand Geng 庚as a date, and xian (read jian) 咸 + shao 邵 as a verb + object construction. The base image in the composition of the graph 咸 is an axe. (It is related etymologically to xu 戌, yue 戉 “axe”, and sui 歲/gui 劌“stab, cut”.) The “mouth” 口component under 戌 in 咸 indicates not to read it as a noun, “axe”, but in this case as a verb with a meaning that is related to a main characteristic of it, namely, to use the axe > to harm/kill. (A more common adverbial usage of 咸, “finish”, is a derivative.) 咸 meaning “kill” occurs in the “Shi fu” 世俘 chapter of the Yi Zhou shu 逸周書 in the phrase 咸劉商王紂 “killed the Shang king Zhou”; Zhu Youzeng’s 朱右曾 commentary says 咸 means jue 絕 “to cut off > put an end to”. “Shao” refers to the enemy Shao recorded elsewhere; see 237, 262, 275+517 and 449.

682
The transcription of this graph follows ZSKY 2003, but the element on the right, which isthe sound element, is actually zhou 肘 “elbow” and not gong 肱 “forearm” (Zhu Qixiang 2006:1032). Yao Xuan’s commentary reads it you “offer”. In early script 肘 (abbreviated 寸) is usedas a phonetic speller in shou 壽 “long life”. For this reason, I prepose to read this graph a variant spelling of dao 禱 “pray”.

683
I read the word xin “heart” in si xin 囟(思)心 as shorthand or as an abbreviation, in the affirmative mode, of a phrase like 囟(思)非心于不若 “Would that no hearts be in disagreement (401.12).

684
An alternative reading is that you 又 be read here as a conjunction between two nouns, “and”; this would render it: “captive (male) servitors and (captive) females”.

685
Period I OBI (Leizuan #652) record a lineage/place with this name, and mention “Chen’s Archer-Lord 侯” (HJ 19852). The HYZ OBI frequently record divinations about the protagonist meeting or receiving people coming to see Lady Hao and Ding; divination (32) in this sequence is another such instance; see also 294 and 492. Based on a comparison with other divinations in this form, the preposition yu 于has likely been omitted.

686
257.20 is a parallel divination that omits the first person pronoun yu 余in the king’s speech. See the commentary to that divination account and section 2.4 of the Introdution for an explanation that the word 子 can mean both “(my) son” and ”(our) lord”.

687
Sun Yabing (2011a: 198) suggests reading this single-graph lacuna as zhi 執 “grasp, captured prisoner”.

688
Zi xin bu ji kan 子心不(丕)吉侃 is comparable to divinations for the Shang kings that say Wang xin ruo 王心若 “The King’s heart will be favorable/in agreement” and Wang xin wangjian 王心亡艱 “The king’s heart will have no affliction/distress”; see Yu Xingwu 2009: 362. The Shijing poem “He ren si” 何人斯 has a similar line that says, Wo xin kong jian 我心孔艱 “Myheart has great pains”. The sense of ji 吉 in this sentence is good (shan 善).

689
Fu (畐) is a pictograph of a container for liquids. It is likely the graphic form of a type ofcontainer discovered in Lady Hao’s tomb: (Xiaotun M5: 830). The main characteristic is itsprotruding “belly,” and the Shuowen jiezi definition as 滿 “full” is a derivative meaning. Here it is a phonetic spelling of fu 复 “return”. The more standard HYZ form to write this word (HYZ 21) adds the classifier “downward facing foot” under it.

690
The topic of this divination is sending off Wei’s exorcism to Guizi. The divination proposes to perform it at the protagonist’s current location and not somewhere else (in Rong 于(戎)). These two locative phrases are used in opposition; zai 在is used when referring to the place closest to the protagonist, whereas yu 于is used when referring to a place further away from the his current location.

691
See the commentary to 214.3-4 for the context of this divination in a reconstructed timeline of events.

692
It appears that the number “one” written in between “cow” and “aromatic ale” should be read twice, and as the quantity for each noun.

693
The toponym Gan is perhaps best known from the Shangshu chapter “Gan shi” 甘誓 (Promise at Gan). Wang Guowei (cited in Yang Junru 2005: 131) locates it between Luoyang and Zhengzhou, Henan.

694
Shao refers to men from the enemy Shao territory. David Keightley (2012: 122) explains verb she 涉 + object as “cross the river (to catch) X”. An example is HJ 3049: 惠馬亞涉兕, which he translates, “It should be the Ya of the Horse(-chariot officers) who cross(es) the river (to catch) wild buffalo.” Following Keightley, this divination statement would be translated “Slowly cross the river (to catch/ take) Shao prisoners.”

695
The phrase xun zhen 旬貞 in the preface is formed of the “time word 旬 ‘ten-day week’ + zhen 貞 ‘test’” and is comparable with sui zhen 歲貞 “Yearly test divination”, Qiu zhen 秋貞 “Autumn test divination”, and yue zhen 月貞 “Monthly test divination” in Warring States divination records. The more conventional form for Shang divinations on this topic is to put 旬 in the divination statement and not in the preface.

696
Divination sequence rearranged according to Sun Yabing 2011a: 146.

697
Shang King 11.

698
You xin 有心 literally means “have the heart”. Chen Jian (2010) reads 心 as a simplified form of , which is a graph that occurs in Wu Ding’s divinations and appears to have pejorative meaning. Reading 心 as something ominous makes sense here but elsewhere in the HYZ OBI 心 is used in its original sense. Divination (8) below in the sequence says in the preface that the bull’s stomach will be contributed to the king. This suggests that participants took parts of the sacrifice and contributed other parts to the king. For this reason, I read this divination as proposing that the protagonist gets the heart when sacrificing a bull to Ancestress Geng on the following day.

699
For the reading of this word, see Sun Yabing 2014: 109-112. HYZ 113, 237, 401 and 490 record divinations about whether or not to contribute meat to the king.

700
入胵丁 is the result of a previous divination. The “test” divination that follows it is trying to determine whether adding meat along with the sacrificed bull’s stomach is the right course of action.

701
“Sacrifice divinations” means divinations (17), (19) and (21).

702
Yu Xingwu ([1941], cited in Jishi 4.1406-07) reads 爯 in “爯册” as the protoform of cheng 稱 “proclaim, state” and defines the phrase as “to state an affair by means of a document.” Takashima (2010: 1.42) adds, “to refer to a ceremonial ritual of swearing in before going on to a military campaign”; Schuessler (1987: 70) gives “to swear an oath”. The verb 爯 regularly occurs in the HYZ lexicon taking various types of jades as its direct object (29.5, 34, 480.1) and only ever means “to lift/hold up”. A comparison between 爯 + direct object (types of jade) and 爯 + 册 confirms 爯 means to raise and 册 means a document. In instances like these the raising of documents by people from territorial regions to the Shang kings presumably were reports of enemy incursions and loss of land and people. See HJ 6405 and 6162.

703
The use of the verb zheng 正(征) in the previous divination and fa 伐 expresses a lexical disparity between the two. 正(征) has a strong moral sense of “correct, rectify” and is a kingly action. Keightley (2012: 360) concludes, “With a few exceptions, the word (=征) was reserved for campaigns in which the king was the protagonist. He and his dependents, for example might fa “attack”…but only the king could zheng them. To convey the sense of moral and political rectification that was reserved for the king’s military expeditions, I translate zheng as ‘march to regulate’.”

704
Since Hua and Pou are not recorded elsewhere as participating in the protagonist’s ancestor worship, these two divinations appear to suggest that Hua was Ancestor Geng’s grandson and Pou was Ancestor Xin’s grandson. Ancestor Geng was the 24th Shang king Pan Geng 盤庚 and Ancestor Xin was the 25th Shang king Xiao Xin 小辛; see Han Jiangsu and Jiang Linchang 2010: 342-343. This interpretation further suggests that Hua, Pou, and the HYZ prince were cousins.

705
See the commentary to 247 for the meaning of this word.

706
The inscription reads 龜, but I take it to be a detached spelling of the same word occuring outside of the HYZ OBI and written from top-to-bottom as (HJ 8996). A comparison between the two strongly implies that is the sound element. Detached spellings of xingsheng 形聲 phonographs are a characteristic of the HYZ script. “Cow” 牝 is one of the more obvious examples.

707
唯有 ought to be equivalent to 唯有辭 (286.11). This means is another way of writing ci 辭.

708
This graph depicts a wall + kneeling man. The Shuowen jiezi lists a graph that resembles the “wall”, and says to read it yin 隱 “hide”: 匿也。象曲隱蔽形。凡之屬皆从。讀若隱。 The combined meaning of the HYZ form ought to be an early spelling of 隱; the -shaped component also appears to function phonetically.

709
is an elaborated form of the linearized ; for the reading of Liu, see the commentary to HYZ 91.

710
The information after the judgment “Used” is a verification. The entire inscription is written around a single divination crack and undoubtedly is to be read as a unified divination account (Sun Yabing 2011a: 201).

711
As the object of the verb ru 入, xue 學 perhaps is better read as a noun, “school”, although its verbal function—“instruct, practice”, cannot be ruled out. As a noun, Song Zhenhao (2010: 464) defines it as “practice or training grounds” 學習場所. Examples of 學 as “school” occur outside of the HYZ OBI, for instance Tunnan 60: 于祖丁旦(壇)尋‖于庭壇尋‖于大學尋 “Repeat at Ancestor Ding’s mound; repeat at the mound in the courtyard; repeat at the Great School”, and HJ 16406: 作學于入 “Erect a school in Ru.” The phrase ru xue 入學 also occurs in the “Xia xiaozheng” 夏小正 chapter of the Da Dai Liji 大戴禮記： (二月)丁亥，万用入學。丁亥者，吉日也。万也者，干戚舞也；入學也者，大學也 “On Dinghai [day] of second month, the wan-dancers herewith enter the school. Dinghai is an auspicious day. Wan-dancers are those who dance with shield and axe. Entering the school refers to the school of great learning”.

712
“Belts from Liu” is almost certainly related to the protagonist’s visit there (450). These two plastrons were buried next to one another in Pit H3 and the dates recorded on them match: 450 ends on Dingmao [4/60] while 451 begins on Jisi [6/60], three days later. The divination accounts are written in the same handwriting style.

713
If reading 飲 as “provide drinks”, then 速 would mean to invite/ ask someone else to do so.

714
Yao Xuan’s commentary points out that the graph written here as is different than thegraph written as in the previous inscription, and suggests to read it gua (刮). While there is no doubt that she is right, the collocation with 友 does not seem a coincidence and makes it more likely that it should be read as an mispelling of “You You”, who is the topic of the previous divination. A potential problem with my reading is that, on the surface, it leaves the divination statement as a string of three nouns without a verb. As I understand it, however, the verb “assemble” has been elided because it was mentioned in the divination immediately before it.

715
In response to the previous divination which proposed a package of two head of penraised cattle, the present divination changes it to one pen-raised head cattle, and adds that it would be a cow. An alternative reading is to take 又 a conjunction, “and”; the sense would then be that, in contrast to the two head of pen-raised cattle proposed in the previous divination, the offering was changed to one head of pen-raised cattle and a cow that was not penraised.

716
Sun Yabing (2011: 112, note 1) emends “犬” for “豕.”

717
This divination can be synchronized with 21.2 dated one day earlier: 丁丑卜： 其禦子往田于小示。用 “Divined on Dingchou: Should make an exorcism rite for our lord’s going to hunt to the Lesser Altars. Used.” Considering these two divination records together, the process of these two divinations can be summarized as: 1) An exorcism to ward off harm and for the protagonist’s protection is to be performed in advance of his going off to hunt; 2) It is proposed to direct the exorcism to the ancestors referred to collectively as “Lesser Altars”; and 3) The exorcism, at a minimum, is to include the protagonist himself libating ale and announcing the hunt by written record along with a pledge to sacrifice boars. “Going to hunt 往田” is the reason for making the exorcism rite 禦, and guan 祼and ce rites are two procedural components of it.

718
Zheng Jiexiang ([1994] 2001.27: 71-73) locates Ning in Xiuwu, Henan.

719
Reconstructed from the parallel divination HYZ 7.5.

720
Yao Xuan suggests to read this 子隹(唯) 廌。不用。一。 Doing so not only makes the statement awkward grammatically, but the orientation of how the account is written speaks against it. There are two columns of symmetrically parallel text: 唯廌 is written in one column, and 子不用 in the next column.

721
I have placed (9) ahead of (8) because it is the more complete divination charge. The word horse 馬 is elided in the divinations that follow.

722
Sun Yabing (2011: 130, note 2) emends the crack notations “二二” for ZSKY 2003 “一二三”. Following this emendation presents an issue. What does 22 mean? Perhaps it meant crack 2 on bone 2; bone 2 being the second shell of a multi-piece set.

723
For Dun as a toponym/lineage name, see the commentary to 139.7.

724
The meaning is that Wo contributed five shells. For Wo as a toponym/lineage name, see the commentary to 7.5.

725
The date Xinhai (48/60) in divination (5) implies that day “Yi” is Yisi (42/60).

726
The date Xinhai (48/60) in divination (5) implies that the day “Geng” is Gengxu (47/60).

727
Xue Qiang 學羌: Song Zhenhao (2010: 462) proposes “Qiang” in this instance referred to a dance called by this name, and the protagonist planned to practice dancing it. His reason is that 學羌 is grammatically parallel with 學商 “practice Shang” (150↔336↔487), and “Shang” in the HYZ OBI is either the name for a single song and dance or for a musical suite and dances. “Qiang”, however, is not an attested song and dance, and for this reason I interpret it as referring to Qiang people. Divinations (1)-(2) are likely related. Since Ji Nai is a person in the HYZ OBI who is directly related to the handling and processing of Qiang (11, 137), it seems likely that the verb 學 in (1) is an action directed at living people (137), and not something more abstract. I suggest to read 學 either as “instruct” or “practice”/ “train”. 241.11 mentions a Qiang stone cutter.

728
This compound graph is written with rock 石 over foot 止. ZSKY 2003 transcribes it 砋; I transcribe it zhi 跖 “sole (of the foot)”. The graphs 跖 and zhi 蹠 “(v.) step on, jump; (n.) sole” are later variants spelling the same word (see Guxun huizuan, 2213). An alternative reading is to take 又(有)跖 as a toponym and as the object of 往 wang; in that case 又 would be a prefix “the”.

729
This day 1/10 divination concerns planning for upcoming rites for both the protagonist’s grandfather and grandmother. The sacrifice for Ancestor Yi was to take place on the next day, 2/10, day Yichou. Sui 歲-sacrifice and guan 祼-ale libation were the two main activities for an ancestor’s weekly worship (see HYZ 318). This seems to be an instance of joint offerings (Schwartz 2019: 30-32). Ancestor Yi is to receive the sacrifice and his spouse, Ancestress Geng, is to receive the 祼-ale libation. In the HYZ OBI, 祼 were usually the occasion to make announcements. (It is notable that the HYZ OBI never record the protagonist performing a guan-ale libation for Ancestor Yi.) An alternative interpretation is that this divination is proposing what the protagonist himself wants to do for these two ancestors on their respective temple-days of the present week. If ancestor worship was a cooperative royal family activity (see for instance 495.1), then other family members would have been responsible for other tasks and for performing other rites.

730
The divination sequence, dated Jisi, is preparing to make offerings in Rong for Ancestress Geng on the following day, Gengwu. The preposition 于 “in” reveals that the prince was not yet in Rong but expected to be there by the following day. “The fields of Rong” had to have then been considered outside of “Rong”. 474 can be synchronized with 491 and the latter, in a postface, states that rites were performed for Ancestress Geng at Rong on day Gengwu having returned from a hunt.

731
Xun 旬, in this instance modifying “cattle”, is a place/lineage name and the cattle’s point of origin. Later sources write 旬 both as both 荀 and 郇. Records in the Zuozhuan (Duke Xi, year 24; Duke Huan, year 9) indicate that during the Spring and Autumn period it was located in southwest Shanxi. (Yang Bojun’s Zuozhuan commentary locates it just northeast of Xinjiang, Shanxi 山西新絳.) Western Zhou bronzes of the Jia 賈 and 郇 lineages were found together during a 1970’s excavation in Wenxi, Shanxi 山西聞喜; see the commentary to the delivery receipt notation 26.1.

732
What the diviner wants an answer to in this pair of divination statements (8-9) is whether or not his lord should invite the king to drink ale some time before day Bing of the following week (perhaps day Renzi). The diviner uses an antithetical pair, first posing the proposition a negative mode and then following it with a proposition in the positive mode. The direct speech utterances preceding the focus of the charge statements provide a context. Originally the protagonist planned to invite the king to drink on day Bingchen (53/60). The king however had said that he would not be going to plant wheat in Man, and commanded him to accompany Lady Hao on this task. Since this activity abroad now overlapped with the day the he was planning to invite the king to drink, the protagonist’s diviners were charged with determining whether or not to invite him another day before day 3 of the following week. Reading 孚 “trusted” after 子速 follows Sun Yabing (2011: 128, note 4/2014: 143).

733
You ji 又(有)疾 ”There is/Has sickness” after the judgment “Used” provides the context for why an exorcism over Da might be needed. It is also possible that the reason for making the exorcism rite was part of the announcement by written record, in addition to a future-offering list; see the commentaries to 29.1 and 289.6. I read 子金 “Zi Jin” at the end of this account as a postface; it means he was the diviner.

734
Ding 丁 and wang 王are two appellations for the Shang king. It is comparable to the interchange between wang 王and tianzi 天子 “Son of Heaven” on Western Zhou bronze inscriptions.

735
The use of the preposition yu 于 “in” in the locative phrase “in Fu”, and not zai 在 “at”, indicates that the subject of the clause, Ding, was not at this place and was a relative distance away vis-à-vis the diviner and his patron, both of whom, according to the preface, were already there. Reading the divination accounts on this shell together with those on 312 and 363, we can deduce that the protagonist returned to Fu before the king from hunting in Tang.

736
I read this graph as she . In Warring States script is used as a phonetic loan to write the word she 攝. occurs (strip 23) in the Shanghai Museum Warring States copy of the Ziyi 緇衣 (Black Jacket) in a quotation of a line from the Shijing poem “Ji zui” 既醉 (Already Drunk) and it corresponds to the graph in the Guodian Warring States copy of the same text. The corresponding character in both the received version of the Shijing and the received version of the “Ziyi” 緇衣in the Liji is she 攝 “take in, act as substitute”.

737
It is uncertain whether Bingzi was the day of the divination or whether it was the day of the sacrifices. If it was the former, then the divinations all concern future ritual action, since this day of the week does not match any of these ancestor’s temple days. If it is the latter, then the postface about being at Ge and having returned from Tang (on a hunt) perhaps suggests that the protagonist was proposing to make sacrifices all at once as a means to make up for having missed temple days. The ancestors are listed according to seniority and the divination proposes to give them all exactly the same sacrificial offering.

738
上甲旬 “Shang Jia’s week” is comparable with 小甲日 “Xiao Jia’s day” (85.3). The meaning of this clause is that the protagonist planned to make ale libations for Shang Jia throughout the week. On the particular days 1/10, 2/10 and 7/10 of the present week, the he also planned to offer sacrifice to these three ancestors. The proposition here is to offer Ancestors Jia and Yi the same sacrificial animal, while offering Ancestress Geng a sacrificial animal that appears to have been a grade lower.

739
This divination can likely be synchronized with 113.26.

740
This divination can likely be reconstructed on the basis of 85.5.

741
This graph resembles the inside (the sound element) of hou (厚) “thick”. Tang Lan (1981: 32) explains its shape as a container with a large mouth and slender neck; see too Lin Yun 2010: 99-107. I read this graph here as though it wrote the word 厚 and as an adjective modifying “serrated jade circlet”.

742
Divinations (6)-(7) can be synchronized with 427.(3),(5): 己卯卜： 庚辰刮肜妣庚，先殺牢， 後殺牝一。用。一二三 “Divined on Jimao: On Gengchen, to carve Rong-rite offerings (for) Ancestress Geng, first kill the pen-raised cattle, and then kill cow one. Used. 123”; and 庚辰歲妣庚牢牝肜刮 一 “On Gengchen, sacrifice (to) Ancestress Geng pen-raised cattle and cows (and), for Rong-rite offerings, carve (them). 1” Reading these divinations together makes it clear that the divinations were performed on Jimao, and not on Jimao and Gengchen; Gengchen was the day of the ritual event. This synchrony further recommends that the date Xinhai on 132.2-3 should be interpreted in the same way.

743
is a pictograph of a blind old man and writes the word gu 瞽 “blind” (Qiu Xigui 2012: 1.510-515). Lin Yun (2007) says it refers to a music master (e.g., the Shijing’s “There are blind musicians” 有瞽 (Mao 280)), and suggests that 妾 were female performers. For 妾 related to music, see 265.1-4.

744
Jia is Dancer Jia; see 226.1.

745
This divination can be synchronized with 474.4-7; reading the sequence together recommends that the date of this divination was Jisi, the day before Gengwu. Gengwu in this divination account is part of the divination statement and it is the day that sacrificial rites are planned for Ancestress Geng; it is not the date that the divination was made. 474.6 states that the protagonist was on a hunt and not in Rong on day Jisi, but planned to be there the following day.

746
This divination can be synchronized with 288.5.

747
The two divinations (3)-(5) have the crack numbers 1 and 3, and the sequence is missing a divination account with a crack number 2. Perhaps this can be synchronized with the small fragment HYZ 526. 493, however, is intact, and this implies that 526 originally belonged to a different shell.

748
In Shang OBI this graph commonly occurs in between two consecutive days. While the sense is clear, it is still uncertain what word the graph wrote. Qiu Xigui (2012: 1.391-403) reads it xiang 向 “towards”, but doing so does not make sense when it is used as a verb of sacrifice, unless it is read as xiang 饗, but there is a perfectly good character for that word (Edward Shaughnessy, personal communication). Ken-ichi Takashima (2010: 2.31-32 [Bingbian 1]) has a lengthy comment suggesting to read it zhuo (斲) “chop”: “(when) Day X ‘cleaved/cut’ Day Y”. 597 : I read the graph in between gui 癸and meng 夢 as though it wrote two words; the first writes si 巳, i.e., day Guisi (30/30), and the second writes zi 子, the subject of the verb “dream”. Day Renchen is 29/30.

749
: I read this as a ligature writing 有佑 “there will be blessings”. It occurs elsewhere in the HYZ OBI as a kind of cutting procedure to dispose of a sacrificial animal (115.3).

750
As the direct object of 歲 “chop-cut > sacrifice”, I follow Yao Xuan (2005: 112) in reading this graph, spelled with the classifier 衣 “clothing” + the phonetic chen 辰, as a loan for shen 脤 “raw meat”.

751
This graph also occurs on Yibian 7746; Jao Tsung-I (1959: 60) reads it as a name.